8. Verb Conjugations.
The verb in Rwanda and Rundi, as in other Bantu languages, is the most complicated of all its grammatical structures. Any verb can have up to ten layers or word parts (e.g., preinitial, prefix, preverb, infix, root, augment, suffix, postposition, see Table 101). Linguists call this layering morphology.

Table 101. Order of Affixes (Morphology) in the Verb Complex
pre-prefix	prefix	post prf	feature	preverb	infix	root	augment	suffix	post	
preinitial negative independent or hypothetical marker	class- markersubject forms
§4.2	negative dependent	condition or consequence	tense or temporal marker	obj §4.3, refl, or conj
	-∆-	causative benefactive
passive
etc.	aspect
impf
perf
sub	loc	
nti- not independent verb (indicative or subjunctive)
ni- if hypothetical	n-
u-
a-
tu-
mu-
ba-	-ta- / -da-	-ra-
-ga- / -ka-
-aa- / -oo-	-záa- /
-zóo-
-ráa-
-a-
-gi- / -ki-	-mu-
-ba-
-íi-
-na-	high vs. low tone and consonant or vowel roots	-iish-
-ir- / -er-
-w-

	-a
-ag-a
-ye
-e	-hó
-kó
-mó /
-mwó
-yó	

However, besides the actual forms (morphs) that mark a verb category in one way or another, there is a grammatical level determined strictly by tone pattern and/or context. Mood, for example, can only be determined by contextual and tonal clues. As illustrated in Table 10 and discussed in §1.2.1, if one encounters the spelling «basoma» out of context, it is impossible to know how to pronounce it, since its mood could be indicative, participial, or relative and its tense could be immediate, recent, preterit (or even conditional in Rwanda). Altogether, the grammatical framework of the Rwanda-Rundi verbal system has eleven categories or dimensions. These are outlined in Table 102 and will be treated in summary form in this first section.

Table 102. Grammar of the Rwanda-Rundi Verb
Category (Dimension) – Grammar	Realizations	
1 – logical value	affirmative, negative, hypothetical	
2 – mood	indicative, participial, relative, autonome, infinitive, imperative, jussive, hortative, and optative	
3 – pragmatic feature (or taxis)	sequential	
4 – Tense or time relations	immediate, recent, preterit, future, conditional, persistive, inceptive	
5 – Government or linkage	disjoint, conjoint	
6 – Reflection (or version)	conjunctive, reflexive, objective	
7 – Tone class and phonetics of root	high vs. low tone; consonant vs. vowel-initial stems	
8 – Valence or Quality	benefactive, causative, reciprocal, attributive, reversive, repetitive, frequentative	
9 – Voice	active, passive	
10 – Aspect	imperfective, perfective, subjunctive, gerundive	
11 – Postpositions	location, proximity, existence, word order reversal	

1	logical value (nature of the assertion)
affirmative Ø- or unmarked
	/mbaasha/ {both} 'I can.'
negative nti- initial prefix in main or independent clauses; contrast -ta- postprefix in subordinate clauses
	/ntibabaashá/ {both} 'They cannot.' – /simbaashá/ {Rundi}, /siimbaashá/ {Rwanda} 'I cannot.' 
hypothetical ní- 'if' followed by an object relative construction, immediate in Rwanda and recent in Rundi
	/ní nabaashá/ {Rundi}, /níimbaashá/ {Rwanda} 'If I can.'

2	mood (identified on the basis of context, tone pattern, clause type, negative marking, and special affixes)
indicative is used in main clauses to make assertions or ask questions
	/baragaruka/ {both} 'They're going to return.'
participial dependent verb forms governed by conjunctions, the copulative auxiliaries -bá and -rí, and several auxiliary verbs, or used in temporal clauses; universally marked by high tone on the first vowel after the first consonant [1rule]
	/ndakéeka bágaruka/ {both} 'I suppose they will return.'
relative dependent verb forms governed by conjunctions or used to modify nouns; Rwanda has a special subject relative form for n1-sg [1rule]; both dialects have parallel object relative forms most of which are marked with high tone on the second syllable of the root [Prule] if there is no object pronoun.
	/umwáana ugáruka/ {Rwanda} 'a child who is going to return' [subject relative]; Note: {Rundi} /umwáana agarúka/ which serves identically as object {both} and subject relative {Rundi only}
	/yambwiiye kó bagarúka/ {both} 'He told me that they are going to return.' [object relative]
autonome verbs that serve as nouns; marked by full noun prefixes except for special forms in group 1 singular /uú-/ {both}, /uwu-/ {Rundi}, /u-/ {Rwanda}
	/uúkora/ {both}, /uwukóra/ {Rundi}, /ukóra/ {Rwanda} 'one who works'
	/abagáruka/ {both} 'those who are going to return'
infinitive shows the tone class of the verb and is a derivational category, i.e., the verb serves as a noun of Group 9a, ku-, gu-, kw-
	/kugaruka/ {both} v-intr 'to return' [low tone root]
	/gusúbira/ {both} v-intr 'to go back (to some place where one has been before)' [high tone root]
imperative forms used in commands with zero subject marking; affirmative only, there is no negative imperative
	/garuka/ {both} 'Come back!'
jussive /S-ii-∆-a/ {Rwanda only} used to express negative wishes
	/biigarúka/ {Rwanda} 'May they not return!'
	/mwiinkúbita/ {Rwanda} 'Don't hit me!'
special -ra- (different from disjoint -ra-) used in wishes or encouragement: hortative immediate /S-ra-∆-e/ {both}, /S-ra-∆-a/ {Rundi} 'please do verb,' hortative future /S-ra-zoo-∆-a/ {Rundi}, /S-ra-zaa-∆-e/ {Rwanda} 'please will verb,' optative /S-ra-ka-∆-a/ {both} 'may verb'
	/urazooza/ {Rundi}, /urazaaze/ {Rwanda} 'Come when you want.' [lit. 'You should come in the future.']
	/murakaroota néezá/ {both} 'May you have beautiful dreams!'
	/baragatsiinda/ {both} 'May they win!'

3	pragmatic feature (-ka-, -ga-, -k-, a special marker designating an action as a sequence of another action or a series of actions, either subsecutive or consecutive)
«Ngo iyo (Raie) ishaka kujugunya imyanda cyangwa ibiribwa bishobora kuyangiza irasama cyane igasohora igifu cyayo maze ikakigaragura mu mazi ikacyoza neza nyuma ikongera ikakimira.» {Rwanda} 'Reportedly, when it (the stringray) wants to eject waste or harmful food, it opens its mouth wide, puts out its stomach, swishes it all around in the water, washes it out well, and then swallows it again.' (R12)
/Vyose bimaze gutungana, baraberera, bakapfundikira, bagashira inkono iruhande y'iziko canke ku rusenge./ {Rundi} 'After all this is done, they add the yeast, cover the pots up, and place them on the side of the hearth or on a rack.' (R15)

4	Tense or time relations
immediate or today tense -Ø- (i.e., unmarked if conjoint) or -ra- (if disjoint) referring to habitual actions or permanent states, the present, the immediate past, the immediate future, or the narrative.
	/bakora mu gitóondo/ {both} 'They work in the morning.'
	/barakóra/ {both} 'They work.'
recent past /-a-/ completed anytime earlier today
	/yakoranaga néezá n'ábaándi/ {Rwanda} 'She worked well with others.'
	/yakorana néezá n'ábaándi/ {Rundi} 'She worked well with others.' (R17.7)
preterit /-á-/ completed anytime before today; always marked by high tone on the second mora of the verb [2rule]
	/yakóranaga néezá n'ábaándi/ {Rwanda} 'She worked well with others.'
	/yakórana néezá n'ábaándi/ {Rundi} 'She worked well with others.'
future /-zoo-/ {Rundi}, /-zaa-/ {Rwanda} action is proposed to be completed (but not immediately)
	/azookora/ {Rundi}, /azaakora/ {Rwanda} 'He will work.'
conditional /-oo-/ {Rundi}, /-aa-/ {Rwanda} action would or might be done
	/twoovuga ikí/ {Rundi}, /twaavuga ikí/ {Rwanda/ 'What would we say?'
persistive /-racáa-/ {Rundi}, /-racyáa-/ {Rwanda}, /-ki-/, /-gi-/ {both}, /-c- {Rundi}, /-cy-/ {Rwanda} action is still going on
	/baracáakóra/ {Rundi}, /baracyáakóra/ {Rwanda} 'They are still working.'
inceptive /-ráa-/ {Rundi} yet, already verb; [neg]{both} action is not yet completed
	/baráakóra/ {Rundi only} 'Are they already working?'
	/ntibaráakóra/ {both} 'They are not yet working.'

5	Government or linkage
disjoint or independent -ra- [Rrule] when the verb ends a clause (e.g., there is no following object or other complement), or with a following object where it has a focus or pragmatic highlighting function.
	/aravúga ati/ {both} 'He says...' [followed by an exact quote, which is not a grammatical object]
	/birageenda nó kuu máana/ {both} 'And so they went to God.' [narrative] (R28.10)
conjoint or dependent unmarked -Ø- [Lrule] when the verb is followed by an object or other word to which it is closely tied.
	/avuga kó/ {both} 'He says that ...' [followed by an indirect quote]
For this distinction to be maintained or established, there must be a tonal difference in the verb. It is not simply a grammatical matter, i.e., if the verb ends a clause or sentence (disjoint) or if an object or other complement follows (conjoint). For example, no negative construction ever distinguishes conjoint from disjoint tonally even if verbs may or may not be followed by complements.

6	Reflection (Note leftward tone change when any of these markers are present in the indicative.)
conjunctive -na- 'also, even, still'
	/baranábikóra/ {both} 'They still do it.' (Overdulve 1975:264)
Object noun class agreement form (see Table 55)
	/baranábikóra/ {both} 'They still do it.' (Overdulve 1975:264)
Reflexive /-íi-/ showing that the subject acts upon itself
	/biibónere/ {both} 'They should just get for themselves.' (R22) < /–íibonera/ 'get s.t. for oneself'
	/(kó) arí wowé ubwáawé wiikúunda/ {both} '... that you are the only one who loves yourself.' (R28.7)

7	Tone and Phonological Class of Root Verb
high – the presence of a high tone on the first vowel of a verb root
	/-bára/ {both} v-tr 'tell (what one has seen or heard), report'
	/-ríriimba/ {both} v-tr 'sing'
	/-sána/ {both} v-tr 'repair, fix s.t. up'
low – the absence of high tone on the corresponding forms of other verbs
	/-bara/ {both} v-tr 'count, enumerate, compute'
	/-kurura/ {both} v-tr 'drag (along a very heavy thing), draw, pull behind oneself'
	/-sa na/ {both} v-cmp-ir 'resemble, look like'
consonant-initial – a root that begins with a consonant
	/-bábara/ {both} v-st 'suffer, be hurt'
	/-kúbuura/ {both} v-tr 'sweep, clean'
vowel-initial – a root that begins with a vowel (has special affixes, e.g., +kw-, and tone shifts)
	/-áabira/ {both} v-intr 'bellow, roar, yell'
	/-eegeera/ {both} v-tr 'approach, draw near to'
	/-iibuka/ {both} v-tr 'remember, recall'
	/-óonka/ {both} v-intr 'nurse, suckle'
	/-úubaha/ {both} v-tr 'respect, honor'

8	Valence, Condition or Quality (several augments or derivational suffixes)
causative /-iish-, -eesh-, -y-/ make someone or something do an action; turns an intransitive verb into a transitive one
	/-kóreesha/ {both} v-caus 'employ, utilize' < /-kóra/ v-tr 'work'
	/-íigiisha/ {both} v-caus 'teach, instruct' < /-íiga/ v-tr 'learn, study'
	/-kíza/ {both} v-caus 'cure, heal' < /-kíra/ v-st 'heal, get better'
	/-menyeesha/ {both} v-caus 'notify, inform' < /-menya/ v-tr 'know, recognize'
	/-óoza/ {both} v-tr 'wash, rinse' < /-óoga/ v-intr 'immerse, be in water; bathe'
	/-ruhiisha/ {both} v-caus 'fatigue, tire out' < /-ruha/ v-inch 'get tired'
	/-vúza/ {both} v-caus 'have someone speak; make s.t. sound' < /-vúga/ v-tr 'speak, make a sound'
benefactive /-ir-, -er-, -erer-/ do s.t. for someone; can turn a transitive verb into a ditransitive one
	/-éemerera/ {both} v-ben 'promise, guarantee; authorize, give one's consent to someone' < /-éemera/ v-tr 'agree, consent, admit'
	/-kórera/ {both} v-ben 'serve, work for someone, do s.t. for someone' < /-kóra/ v-tr 'work'
	/-ririra/ {both} v-ben 'shed tears over someone, weep for, mourn' < /-rira/ v-intr 'cry, weep'
	/-úubakira/ {both} v-ben 'build s.t. for someone' < /-úubaka/ v-tr 'build, construct'
reciprocal /-an-/ indicates an action done mutually
	/-bónana/ {both} v-recip 'see one another; meet, have a meeting' < /-bóna/ v-tr 'find, obtain, see'
	/-éerekana/ {both} v-recip 'show (s.t. to one another); make someone see' < /-éereka/ v-ditr 'show s.t. to someone'
	/-pfáana/ {both} v-recip 'die with, die together' < /-pfá/ v-st 'die'
	/-túkana/ {both} v-recip 'insult one another' < /-túka/ v-tr 'insult'
attributive /-ek-, -ik-, -k-/ allows a verb to serve as a descriptive (§6.5)
	/-bóneka/ {both} v-atr 'appear, be visible; be easy to find' < /-bóna/ v-tr 'find, obtain, see'
	/-gayika/ {both} v-atr 'be despicable, contemptible' < /-gaya/ v-tr 'despise, scorn'
	/-gurika/ {both} v-atr 'sell (well)' < /-gura/ v-tr 'buy, purchase'
	/-méneka/ {both} v-atr 'get broken, be shattered; be breakable' < /-ména/ v-tr 'break, shatter'
	/-úumviikana/ {both} v-atr 'be clear, comprehensible' < /-úumva/ v-tr 'hear, listen'
reversive /-ur-, -or-/ creates a transitive verb with an opposite meaning from its root form
	/-áagura/ {both} v-rev-tr 'stretch, widen, enlarge' < /-áaga/ v-st 'be narrow'
	/-bóhoora/ {both} v-rev-tr 'untie; release, set free' < /-bóha/ v-tr 'tie, bind'
	/-éegura/ {both} v-rev-tr 'seize (an object laying down); make straight (what was leaning); decide s.t. for oneself' < /-éega/ {Rwanda} v-intr 'bend (under a heavy weight), lean over;' cf: /-éega/ {Rundi} 'belong to; depend upon'
	/-óomora/ {both} v-rev-tr 'detach gently, peel off, remove' < /-óoma/ v-intr 'adhere, stick to' (JN)
reversive stative /-uk-, -ok-/ creates an intransitive or stative verb with an opposite meaning from its root form
	/-áaguka/ {both} v-rev-st 'become enlarged; be vast, spacious' < /-áaga/ v-st 'be narrow'
	/-bóhooka/ {both} v-rev-st 'come untied, get undone (knot)' < /-bóha/ v-tr 'tie, bind'
	/-óomoka/ {both} v-rev-st 'come off easily, come untied' < /-óoma/ v-intr 'adhere, stick to' (JN)
	/-híshuuka/ {both} v-rev-st 'be revealed, get disclosed' < /-hísha/ v-tr 'hide, conceal'
durative /-iriz-, -erez-/ indicates that the action is done persistently, repeatedly, or over a prolonged time
	/-geenzereza/ {both} v-prolong 'present oneself (in a certain light) to someone else; behave (in a certain way) towards someone' < /-geenza/ v-tr 'make someone go or walk; drive (vehicle); conduct oneself; treat, behave towards'
	/-gumiriza/ {both} v-prolong 'continue s.t. indefinitely; cling to, hold fast to' < /-guma/ v-intr 'stay'
	/-héereza/ {both} v-ditr-prolong 'give away, hand s.t. to someone' < /-há/ v-ditr 'give s.t. to someone'
	/-sabiriza/ {both} v-prolong 'beg (without stop), ask for s.t. repeatedly; live like a beggar' < /-saba/ v-ditr 'ask s.o. for s.t., request; pray; beg'

9	Voice
active /-Ø-/ (i.e., unmarked) when the subject precedes the object
	/barabaanza bagatéeka iyo myuumbati/ {both} 'First of all they cook these cassavas.'
passive (pre-final suffix-w-) when the object is put into initial position
	/iyo myuumbati ... irabaanza igatéekwa/ {both} 'These cassavas are first of all cooked.' (R20)

10	Aspect (marked by three different suffixes)
Aspect is a way of viewing an action (e.g., whether it is ongoing or completed); it has nothing to do with tense or time. In the discussion of the various tenses, we shall see that aspect markers offer special nuances, e.g., hypothetical if conditional imperfective, but unreal if conditional perfective.
imperfective marked by the suffix -a indicating that an action is in progress (without regard to its being complete); in the recent and the preterit tenses Rwanda has the expanded suffix -aga
	/bageenda/ {both} 'They go.'
	/barageenda/ {both} 'They are going.'
perfective marked by the suffix -ye (with numerous palatal sound changes, see §2.5.7) indicating that a state is regarded as currently relevant or that an action is complete
	/baageenze/ {both} 'They walked.' (i.e., all day long)
	/barashoonje/ {both} 'They are hungry.'
subjunctive marked by the suffix -e indicating that an action ought to occur; this suffix also marks a hortative construction (the circumfix S-ra-∆-e in §8.9) and gerundive auxiliary construction (S-rí bu-∆-é in §8.5.3)
	/bageendé/ {both} 'They should go.'

11	Locational Postpositions
There are four postpositions that serve as substitutes for locative expressions which are understood in context. Each of them always has a high tone [Erule]. See §11.2.3 for additional treatment of these postpositions.
Group 10 hó {both} 'there (on, off, in, above)'
	«Iyo watetse inyama nyinshi ukuraho izo uri buteke ukwazo» {Rwanda} 'If you cooked a lot of meat, you take some out of there which you will cook separately.' (R18)
	«Ibyo nibyo Leta zose zirwanya zigashyiraho n'amategeko yo guhana ababikoresha.» {Rwanda} 'These are (the drugs) that all governments oppose by establishing [lit. 'putting in] laws to punish the people who use them.' (R26.1)
	/akabishirahó/ {Rundi} '... and then he put them there.' (Cristini 2000:150)
	«Hariho abayironka bagaca bayinyegeza» {Rundi} 'There are those who get it and hide it right away.' (R33.6)
Group 11 kó {mostly Rundi} 'there' [Note that Rwanda uses hó to replace ku phrases]
	«nta kibi bamubona ko» {Rundi} (R25.2), «nta kibi bamubonaga ho» 'There was nothing bad that they found about him.'
	/washyize ibyókuryá ku méezá? yee, nabishyize hó/ {Rwanda} 'Did you place the food on the table? Yes, I placed it there.' (Overdulve 1975:214)
	/isóoko ikigongwe giturukakó/ {Rundi} 'the source from which mercy originates' (Cristini 2000:150)
Group 12 mwó {Rundi}, mó {Rwanda} 'there (inside that place or in that time)'
	«Mu gicapo ... hakaba harimwo umuhoro n'agafuni» {Rundi} 'In the emblem there used to be therein a pruning knife and a small worn-out hoe.' (R29.5)
	«Mw'ibendera rishasha harimwo ibara ry'ubururu» {Rundi} 'On the new flag there is there the color blue.' (R29.6)
	«Usanga harimo imihigo itandukanye» {Rwanda} 'You notice therein the promises are different.' (R32)
Group 13 yó {both} 'there' (general or vague location)
	«ya mbeba iravyarira yo» {Rundi} 'The mouse produced offspring there.' (R27.10)
	«bashyingirayo» {Rwanda} 'They marry their children off there.' (R38.9)

A student of these languages will have to rethink his or her understanding of tense or time relationships. Setting an action in the past can be expressed three ways: by the immediate (if it just occurred or if the first sentence in a story has already set the time in the past), by the recent (if it happened earlier the same day), or by the preterit (if it happened before today).
/murasomye/ {both} [Rrule] v-ind-aff-imm-perf-dis 'You just read.'
/mwaasomye/ {both} [Rrule] v-ind-aff-recent-perf-dis 'You read recently.'
/mwaárasómye/ {both} [2rule+Trule] v-ind-aff-pret-perf-dis 'You read formerly.'

Similarly, a future event can have four renditions: by the immediate with -ra- (if it is just about to happen), by a gerund construction (if it may occur throughout the entire day), by the future -zoo- {Rundi} or -zaa- {Rwanda} (if it is a remote or unspecified future event), and by an auxiliary verb construction with –zaa (if the action is intended or obligatory).
/barageenda/ {both} v-imm 'they are going to leave'
/barí bugeendé/ {both} 'they will leave'
/bazoogeenda/ {Rundi}, /bazaageenda/ {Rwanda} 'they will leave (eventually)'
/baraazaa kugeenda/ {both} 'they will end up going'

The importance of no marking (the linguistic concept of zero or Ø) is critical with regard to the grammar of verbs. The affirmative has no marker and contrasts with the negative having nti- or -ta-. The indicative can be unmarked tonally, while all other moods have some form of tonal signature. The immediate is unmarked, while all remaining tenses have special prefixes. The conjoint has no marker, while the disjoint has -ra-. The active voice is unmarked, while the passive has the suffix -w-.
Because of the complexity of the verb system, some authors highlight grammatically-determined criteria (Table 102), e.g., Overdulve's conjoint – with a complement vs. disjoint – without a complement (1975:61,96f), while others concentrate on morphologically-determined criteria (Table 101), e.g., Kimenyi's -Ø- vs. -ra- (1980:212ff). Tonality too can be critical in determining whether or not the phenomenon of government or linkage obtains in a particular tense and mood combination. In order to arrive at "the truth," all criteria must be examined in order to understand the richness and complexity of the Kinyarwanda-Kirundi verb system and to determine which phenomenon best explains a given situation. This is exemplified in Table 103.

Table 103. Criteria Determining Government (Conjoint vs. Disjoint)
criterion	conjoint	disjoint	
morphology	-Ø-	-ra-	
grammar	+ complement (object, adverb, or clause)	- complement (usually, but not obligatory)	
tonality	always low tone [Lrule]	follows root tonality [Rrule]	

The presence of one of more object infixes can seriously affect tone placement on the verb (§2.4.11–12), but this will depend on the basic tonality of the mood and tense combination. There is a standard progression such that a verb with the Rrule with no objects will have the O+L rule (tone on object and loss of root tonality) if there is one object infix, the O+R rule {Rwanda} or O+T rule {Rundi} if there are two objects, the O+O+L rule if there are three objects, and so on. These object-oriented tonal patterns are outlined in Table 104.

Table 104. Tonality of Verbs Having Object Infixes
simple verb	1 object	2 objects	3 objects	4 objects	
L	L	L	L	L	
R	O+L	O+R {Rwanda}
O+T {Rundi}	O+O+L	O+O+R {Rwanda}
O+O+T {Rundi}	
P	P2	O2+L	O2+L	O2+L	
F+P	F+P2	F+O2+L	F+O2+L	F+O2+L	
F+R {Rwanda}
F+T {Rundi}	F+O {Rwanda}
F+T {Rundi}	F+O2+L	F+O2+L	F+O2+L	
N+P	N+P2	N+O2+L	N+O2+L	N+O2+L	

8.1. Indicative
The indicative is the mood of main or independent clauses. It is used in making assertions or asking questions. The conjoint is characterized by low tone [Lrule, i.e., loss of high tone from high tone roots], whereas the disjoint is characterized by keeping the tonality of the root [Rrule]. In order to maintain consistency throughout this section, each verb paradigm will be discussed in the following order: mood – value – tense – aspect – linkage, e.g., indicative affirmative immediate perfective disjoint or autonome negative preterit perfective (linkage does not apply to autonomes).

8.1.1. Indicative Immediate
The immediate tense is more inclusive than the present tense of English and other Indo-European languages. Besides an ongoing or current action, it can designate one that has just been accomplished (immediate past) or one that is just about to occur (immediate future). The immediate is often used in a narrative tense once the time frame has been introduced (e.g., the first sentence may have a verb in the past, but all others within the same time period can then be in the immediate). Finally, it can delimit a habitual action or some timeless truth (as in a proverb). Note that the unmarked (-Ø-) conjoint forms must always be followed by some complement, whereas the -ra- forms may occur alone or before an object (in which case they serve a focus or highlighting function). The following contrastive examples from Overdulve are excellent.
/yohaána arahíinga/ {Rwanda} 'John cultivates, he is a cultivator' (but you don’t know what it is he’s cultivating; the emphasis is on the act of cultivation).
/yohaána ahiinga ibishyíimbo/ 'John cultivates beans, he is a cultivator of beans' (the emphasis is on the product he obtains and in which he specializes) .
/yohaána arahíinga ibijuumba/ 'John is cultivating sweet potatoes, he is doing it at this very moment, even though he is a cultivator of beans' (the emphasis is on the current action).

001 indicative affirmative immediate imperfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:94,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:34,35, Kimenyi 2002:190; Cristini 2000:163f, Rodegem 1967:44f.
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-Ø-∆-a {both}
/naanga abiíkuza/ {Rwanda} 'I hate those who praise themselves.' (R28.2) 
/abaantu biibaza inkómooko y'ítaábi/ {both} 'People wonder about the origin of tobacco.' (R26.2)
/atoozwa guhíiga akíri mutó/ {both} 'He is accustomed to hunting while he is still young.' (R38.1)
/abaári aho bacecekera rimwé/ {both} 'The ones who were there grew silent at once.' (R14)
/mukuunda abaantu/ {both} 'You love people.' (Cristini 2000:164)
/niiga gusoma/ {both} 'I learn reading.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:44)
/waandika ibitabo?/ {both} 'Do you write books?' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:44)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-Ø-obj-∆-a {both}
/ubiteeka ku muriro muké/ {both} 'You cook them on low heat.' (R18)
/yaboonye níihitira antega umutégo/ {both} 'He saw me simply passing by and trapped me.' (R27.5)
/bayeenga bákoreesheje urwáagwá/ {Rwanda} 'They brew it using banana beer.' (R24.1)
/ampeemba néezá/ {Rwanda} 'He pays me well.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:130)

002 indicative affirmative immediate perfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:97,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:44,47, Kimenyi 2002:190f; Cristini 2000:164, Rodegem 1967:44f.
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-Ø-∆-ye {both}
/hasigaye uwó mu nyoni/ {both} 'There remains one from birds.' (R28.3)
/nsaanze dúhuuje/ {both} 'I see we agree.' (R1)
/ugiiye hé?/ {both} 'Where are you going?' (Overdulve 1975:97)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-Ø-obj-∆-ye {both}
/tugutuuye amabóko/ {both} 'We offer you our arms.' (R21.4)
/ibyo uvuzé ubiteewe n'iki?/ {Rwanda} 'What makes you say that?' (R28.2)
/mbaseezeyehó/ {Rwanda} 'I say goodbye to you all.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:353)

003 indicative affirmative immediate imperfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:60f,94,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:33,34,151,181f, Kimenyi 2002:172f; Cristini 2000:163,165, Rodegem 1967:46f.
TONE PATTERN:
	R S-ra-∆-a {both}
	R S-r-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/ndakúunda/ {both} 'I love.' (Cristini 2000:33) [Note the change of /r/ to /d/ after /n/.]
/baarondeye uwó batumá ijaambo barabúra/ {Rundi} 'They looked for someone to speak on their behalf but they couldn’t find anyone.' (R11)
/ikinyomá kirahinyuka/ {Rundi} 'The lie gets discovered.' (R25.3)
/naamuhánagataye araaza/ {Rwanda} 'I called him and he came.' [narrative] (Overdulve 1975:153)
/kirazira/ {Rwanda} 'It is forbidden.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:352)
/abagabo barakóra mu mirimá/ {both} 'The men are now working in the fields.' (Overdulve 1975:94)
/araandika/ {both} 'He is writing.' (Cristini 2000:195, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:34)
/baríiga/ {both} 'They are studying.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:34)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	O+L S-ra-obj-∆-a {both}
/ndamúkuunda/ {both} 'I love him.' (Cristini 2000:156)
/araánkuunda/ {both} 'He loves me.'(Overdulve & Jacob 1998:130)
/araányemera/ {both} 'He believes me.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:130)
/ikinyarwaanda baracyúumva/ {Rwanda} 'They understand Kinyarwanda.' (R38.10)
/baragíshiira/ {Rundi} 'They'll put it back.' (Cristini 2000:156)
/baramúfasha/ {both} 'They help him.' (R15)
/baárashítse barabaakiira/ {Rundi} 'They arrived and they were welcomed.' (R11)
/yampaaye igitabo ndagisoma/ {Rwanda} 'He gave me a book and I read it.' [narrative] (Overdulve 1975:153)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	O+T S-ra-obj-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	O+R S-ra-obj-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
	O+J S-ra-obj-obj-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/arabíturúungikira/ {Rundi} 'He is sending it to us.' (Cristini 2000:188)
/imirimo yaawe ndayígutéesha/ {both} I made you abandon (them) your tasks.' (R36.2)
/barabímuúzanira/ {Rundi} 'They are bringing it to him.' (Cristini 2000:157, Rodegem 1967:141f) [long vowel draws tone]
/ndamúkweéreka/ {both} 'I’m going to show him to you' (Cristini 2000:157, LN)

+ three objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	O+O+L S-ra-obj-obj-obj-∆-a {both}
/ndahábimúshirira/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:156), /ndahábimúshyirira/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'I will put them there for him.'
/barahábimúkorera/ {both} 'They are going to do it for him there.' (Bizimana 1998:145)
/barahámumwéerekera/ {both} 'They will show that place to him on his behalf.' (Cristini 2000:157)

004 indicative affirmative immediate perfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:66f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:44,47, Kimenyi 2002:173; Cristini 2000:33,165, Rodegem NIL.
TONE PATTERN:
	R S-ra-∆-ye {both}
	R S-r-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
/ndíize/ {both} 'I just studied.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:44)
/mu kuryáama baragerekeranye/ {both} 'In going to bed, they are overcrowded.' (R9)
/biragayitse/ {both} 'It is despicable.' (R30.2)
/buríije/ {both} 'It is getting dark.' (JN, Bizimana 1998:329, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:344)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	O+L S-ra-obj-∆-ye {both}
/abagabo waampaáye ndabáanze/ {Rwanda} 'The witnesses you gave me I reject (them).' (R28.9)
/baratúboonye/ {both} 'They see us.' (Cristini 2000:157)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	O+T S-ra-obj-obj-∆-ye {Rundi}
	O+R S-ra-obj-obj-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/arabáguháaye/ {both} 'He entrusts them to you.' (Cristini 2000:156)
/barazíhajáana/ {Rundi} 'They accompany them (their cows) there.' (Cristini 2000:157)

005 indicative negative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:69–71,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:50–52, Kimenyi 2002:205; Cristini 2000:33,173, Rodegem 1967:56f.
TONE PATTERN:
	N+P nti-S-∆-a {both}
/ntibashobóra kugira ahó bajyá/ {Rwanda} 'They cannot go anywhere.' (R8a)
/ntiwumvá kwiíkuza kubí!/ {Rwanda} 'Don't you listen you lousy braggart'! (R28.5)
/uúsaba ntíyihúuta/ {both} 'The one who asks does not rush.'
/jehó sínduhúuka/ {Rundi} 'As for me, I never rest.' (R19) [In first person singular nti- changes to si-.]
/siindyá imbúto/ {both} 'I am not eating fruit.' (Overdulve 1975:71)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	N+T nti-S-obj-∆-a {both}
/ntuunsíindira aha/ {both} 'You will not defeat me here.' (R28.9)
/singutáaka bimwé bisaanzwé/ {both} 'I don't praise you as usual.' (R36.1)
/ntibadusháaka/ {Rwanda} 'They are not looking for us.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:131)
/ntibatwúumva/ {both} 'They do not listen to us.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:131)
/ntitubahámagara/ {Rundi} 'We are not summoning them.' (Cristini 2000:189)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	N+O2+L nti-S-obj-obj-∆-a {both}
/ntibabimúbwiira/ {both} 'They don't tell it to him.' (Cristini 2000:189, Rodegem 1967:57)
/ntibabimúririimbiisha/ {Rwanda} 'They don't make him sing it.' (Kimenyi 2002:241)

006 indicative negative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Cristini 2000:33,173f, Rodegem 1967:56f.
TONE PATTERN:
	N+P nti-S-∆-ye {both}
/ntibyooróshye kumenya umubaré w'ábanyaambo/ {Rwanda} 'It is not easy to know the Nyambo population.' (R38.11)
/imaánza záacu ntíziruhíje/ {both} 'Our quarrel is not difficult.' (R28.5)
/uríiya ntáakozé/ {Rwanda} 'That one does not work.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:50)
/ntidukubúuye/ {Rundi} 'We are not sweeping.' (Cristini 2000:174)

8.1.2. Indicative Recent
The recent tense generally indicates an action that has been completed on the same day of speaking about it. In the imperfective, it can indicate a conditional action. It can also refer to a habitual event in the recent past. The tense marker is always low toned. The tense marker is short /a/ in weak inflections (those that start with a semivowel) and long /aa/ in strong inflections (those that start with a consonant). Note that while Kirundi has the simple imperfective suffix –a, Kinyarwanda has –aga.

007 indicative affirmative recent imperfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:178f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158, Kimenyi 2002:191; Cristini 2000:165, Rodegem 1967:44f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	L S-a-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	L S-aa-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	L S-Ø-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	L S-a-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	L S-aa-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
	L S-Ø-∆-aga [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/yakorana néezá n'ábaándi/ {Rundi} 'She worked well with others.' (R17.7) [habitual recent past]
/wakoraga ikí mu gitóondo/ {Rwanda} 'What were you doing this morning?' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158)
/mwaakuunda abaantu/ {Rundi} 'You would love people.' (Cristini 2000:165)
/mwaandikaga ibáruwá/ {Rwanda} 'You were writing a letter.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158)

008 indicative affirmative recent perfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:123f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:122f, Kimenyi 2002:191; Cristini 2000:165, Rodegem 1967:44f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	L S-a-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	L S-aa-∆-ye [strong] {both}
	L S-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
/iyo náama yategetse ibikí n'íibikí/ {Rwanda} 'What was the point of the meeting?' (R4)
/asaanga haafashwe bugúungwe bw'íntaambwe/ {Rundi} 'He discovered that an enormous lion was recently caught.' (R27.2)
/uyu mugabo yaboonye níihitira antega umutégo/ 'This man saw me simply passing by and trapped me.' (R27.5)
/twiibutse/ {both} 'We remembered.' (Cristini 2000:62, LN)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	L S-a-obj-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	L S-aa-obj-∆-ye [strong] {both}
/umwíijima waguheenze ubwéenge/ {Rwanda} 'Darkness tricked you.' (R28.8)
/namuboonye agéenda/ {both} 'I (recently) saw him walking.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190)

009 indicative affirmative recent imperfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:178f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158; Cristini 2000:165,181, Rodegem 1967:46f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	R S-aa-∆-a {Rundi}
	J S-Ø-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	R S-aa-∆-aga {Rwanda}
	J S-Ø-∆-aga [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/naakúunda/ {Rundi} 'I have loved.' (Cristini 2000:165)
/waakóra/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:191), /waakóraga/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158) 'You were working (recently).'
/twaakóra/ {Rundi} 'We worked.' (Cristini 2000:191)
/biíririimbiishaga/ {Rwanda} 'They were making themselves sing.' (Kimenyi 2002:249)

010 indicative affirmative recent perfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:123f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:122f, Kimenyi 2002:174,199; Cristini 2000:165
TONE PATTERNS:
	R S-aa-∆-ye [strong] {both}
	J S-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
/waakóze/ {both} 'You worked (recently).' (Cristini 2000:191, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:122)
/baaje/ {both} 'They came.' (Cristini 2000:240)
/biíze/ {both} 'They studied (this morning).' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:123)
/mwiíriwe/ {both} 'Good evening!' (Overdulve 1975:215)
/biítabaaye/ {both} 'They defended themselves.' (Kimenyi 2002:199)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	O+L S-aa-obj-∆-ye {both}
/umuriro n'úumwóotsi vyaa miínsi yóóse vyaántujije/ {Rundi} 'The fire and smoke each and every day drove me crazy.' (R19)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	O2+L S-aa-obj-obj-∆-ye {both}
/naayayíhaaye/ {both} 'I recently gave them (bones) to it (the dog).' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:327)
/wé yaakimúhaaye/ {both} 'He gave it to him (recently).' (Cristini 2000:158)

011 indicative negative recent imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:178,311, Kimenyi 2002:184f; Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-a-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-aa-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-a-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	N+L nti-S-aa-∆-aga [strong] (Rwanda}
/ntiwakubuura/ {Rundi} 'You did not sweep.' (Rodegem 1967:56f)
/búrya sínahiingaga/ {Rwanda} 'In fact I was not plowing.' (Bizimana 1998:271)
/ntitwaakoraga mu mudugúdu/ {Rwanda} 'We were not working in the city (today).' (Overdulve 1975:178)

012 indicative negative recent perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:124,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:124; Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-a-∆-ye [weak]
	N+L nti-S-aa-∆-ye [strong]
	N+L nti-S-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root]
/sinaburaaye/ {both} 'I didn't go to bed hungry.' (Rodegem 1967:56f)
/ntitwaakubuuye/ {both} 'We did not sweep.' (Rodegem 1967:56f)
/ntitwuubatse/ {both} 'We did not build.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:124)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-a-obj-∆-ye [weak]
	N+L nti-S-aa-obj-∆-ye [strong]
/bulletin yaawe sínayishiimye na gato/ {both} 'I was not pleased at all with (it) your report card.' (R1)
/naánje sínayikuunze/ {both} 'Me neither, I didn't like it.' (R1)
/sinakubwiiye kó ntaa mukuúnzi ugirá/ {both} 'Didn't I tell you that you don't have any friends?' (R28.7)
/umugórooba wóose sínamuboonye/ {both} 'I didn't see him for the entire evening.' (Bizimana 1998:298)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-a-obj-obj-∆-ye [weak]
	N+L nti-S-aa-obj-obj-∆-ye [strong]
/sinahamusaanze/ {both} 'I did not find him there.' (Ntahokaja 1994:116)

8.1.3. Indicative Preterit
The preterit tense generally indicates an action that has been completed previous to the day of speaking. It therefore refers to any action from yesterday through the distant past. The tense marker always involves a high tone on the second mora and has one of the most distinctive tonal signatures in all moods in both languages. There is a short /a/ in weak inflections (those that start with a semivowel) and long /aa/ in strong inflections (those that start with a consonant). Note that while Kirundi has the simple imperfective suffix -a, Kinyarwanda has -aga.

013 indicative affirmative preterit imperfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:178f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158; Cristini 2000:165,181, Rodegem 1967:44f
TONE PATTERNS:
	2+X S-a-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	2+X S-aá-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	2+X S-a-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	2+X S-aá-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
/niíbwiiraga kó ab'ímuhirá barí buburáare/ {Rwanda} 'I assumed that my family would go to bed hungry.' (R34.3)
/ku gitúgu c'íburyó haáshoororoka imihivú/ {Rundi} 'On the right shoulder there tumbled down raffia fibers.' (R5)
/twaákoranaga/ {Rwanda} 'We have worked.' (Overdulve 1975:310)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	2+L S-a-obj-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	2+L S-aá-obj-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	2+L S-a-obj-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	2+L S-aá-obj-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
/abaantu bóóse baámuvuga néezá/ {Rundi} 'Everybody spoke well of him.' (R25)

014 indicative affirmative preterit perfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:135f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:139, Kimenyi 2002:192; Cristini 2000:165, Rodegem 1967:44f
TONE PATTERNS:
	2+X S-a-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	2+X S-aa-∆-ye [strong] {both}
/umutwaáre yakóreesheje igitáramo iwé/ {Rwanda} 'A chief threw a party at his palace.' (R14)
/impanuka ya biísi yoóretse imbagá/ {Rwanda} 'A bus accident killed many.' (R16)
/baásaanze uwo yarí yáakíivye arí umunyéeshuúre/ {Rundi} 'They found out that the one who stole it was a student.' (R7)
/yatúmiye abanyarwaanda kurí vilaáje urugwiiro/ {both} 'He invited Rwandans to Urugwiro village.' (R29.8)
/twaákoze néezá/ {both} 'We have worked well.' (cf: Overdulve 1975:136)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	2+L S-a-obj-∆-ye [weak]
	2+L S-aa-obj-∆-ye [strong]
/umugabo umwé baámwiivye káa gatelefoóne batwaará mu minwe/ {Rundi} 'A man (he) was robbed of his cell phone.' (R7)

015 indicative affirmative preterit imperfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:178f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158; Cristini 2000:165,181,185, Rodegem 1967:46f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	2+X S-a-rá-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	2+T S-aá-ra-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	2+X S-a-rá-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	2+T S-aá-ra-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
/Bitaama yarákuundwa/ {Rundi} 'Bitama was loved.' (R25.2)
/ejó mu iishuúri narásomaga/ {Rwanda} 'Yesterday I was reading in the classroom.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:218)

016 indicative affirmative preterit perfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:135f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:139, Kimenyi 2002:200; Cristini 2000:165, Rodegem 1967:46f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	2+X S-a-rá-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	2+T S-aá-ra-∆-ye [strong] {both}
	2+L S-a-r-∆-ye [weak vowel root] {both}
	2+L S-aá-r-∆-ye [strong vowel root] {both}
/narákoze/ {both} 'I have worked.' (Cristini 2000:191, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:139)
/ibéenderá n'índíriimbo ihayágiza urwaanda vyaárahíinduwe/ {Rundi} 'The Rwandan flag and national anthem have been changed.' (R29.0)
/ubuzima bwáabo bwaárahíindutse/ {both} 'Their life has changed.' (R34, JN)
/baárashítse barabaakiira/ {Rundi} 'They arrived there and they were welcomed.' (R11)
/haárakozwe ibibí vy'ágahomerabunwa/ {Rundi} 'Evil beyond belief has been done.' (R37.4)
/baáratábaaye/ {Rwanda} 'They defended.' (Kimenyi 2002:200)
/naráanditse/ {both} 'I have written.' (Cristini 2000:196, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:139)
/twaáruubatse/ {both} 'We built (formerly).' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:139)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	2+R S-a-rá-obj-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	2+T S-aá-ra-obj-∆-ye [strong] {both}
/baárabisábye/ {both} 'They asked for it.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:326)
/igisaásu cyaáraantúrikanye/ {Rwanda} 'I was injured by a mine.' (R34.2)
/narárivúze/ {both} 'I said it.' (Rodegem 1967:46)
/kaárahanyúze/ {both} 'It had its time there.' [lit. 'It passed along there.'] (Bizimana 1998:329, JN)

+ two or three objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	2+O2+L S-aá-ra-obj-obj-obj-∆-ye
/baárabimúsabiye/ {both} 'They asked for it on his behalf.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:326)
/baárahabímusabiye/ {both} 'They asked for it there on his behalf.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:326)

017 indicative negative preterit imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311; Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+2 nti-S-a-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	N+2 nti-S-aá-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	N+2 nti-S-Ø-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	N+2 nti-S-a-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	N+2 nti-S-aá-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
	N+2 nti-S-Ø-∆-aga [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/mur-íico kiriingo abaruúndi ntíbaárima caane/ {Rundi} 'During that period, Rundi people did not farm a lot.' (Cristini 2000:174)
/ntiwakóra/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:191), /ntiwakóraga/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158) 'You did not work.'
/sinasómaga/ {Rwanda} 'I did not read.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158)
/ntimwaándika/ {Rundi}, /ntimwaándikaga/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:158) 'You did not write.'

018 indicative negative preterit perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:137,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:140; Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+2 nti-S-a-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	N+2 nti-S-aa-∆-ye [strong] {both}
	N+2 nti-S-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
/warápfunywe ntíwapfúuye/ {both} 'Prepared for burial, you did not die.' (R21.2)
/sinaménye ibyaákurikiyehó/ {Rwanda} 'I did not realize what happened next.' (R35.4)
/ntitwaákubuuye/ {both} 'We did not sweep.' (Cristini 2000:174)
/ntibaákoze/ {both} 'They did not work.' (Cristini 2000:191, Overdulve 1975:137)
/ntimwaánditse/ {both} 'You did not write.' (Cristini 2000:196)

8.1.4. Indicative Conditional
The conditional is a tense in these languages, not a mood, expressing some hypothetical condition or eventuality. It can often be translated by should or would. Kimenyi (2002:177) outlines the differences between two kinds of conditionals: the protasis (the if clause) and the apodosis (the then clause). Similarly Overdulve (1975:241f,310f) discusses a conditioning mood (mode conditionnant) different from the conditional tense or degree. In both instances, these represent the interplay of a relative conditional if clause (§8.3.4) followed by an indicative conditional then clause. Imperfective forms express an actual possibility realizable on the same day of speaking, while perfective forms express an unfulfilled possibility or unrealized event.

019 indicative affirmative conditional imperfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:240,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294f, Kimenyi 2002:193; Cristini 2000:165,181, Rodegem 1967:44f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	L S-oo-∆-a {Rundi}
	L S-oo+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	L S-aa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	L S-aa+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/naasaba kó haabáhó itégeko rihaná ubunebwe/ {Rwanda} 'I would ask that there be a law which punishes laziness.' (R32) 
/abahíinzi baaruhuuka gihe kí?/ {Rwanda} 'When would farmers rest?' (R28.2)
/umugwáayi yookwiitwaararika gufuungura néezá/ {Rundi} 'The sick person should make every effort to eat well.' (R31.5)
/bookwiitwaararika umugwáayi/ {both} 'They should be concerned about the sick person.' (R31)
/byaaraangira, ikinikwa mu máazi/ {Rwanda} 'When it is done, then they are immersed in water.' (R20)
/waakwiiga ikinyarwaanda/ {Rwanda} 'You would learn Rwanda.' (Overdulve 1975:240)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	L S-oo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	L S-aa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/ikinjana twiikébaanuye twookivugakó ikí?/ {Rundi} 'What might we say about the century that we take leave of?' (R37)
/mwoobibaza mu buyobozi bwiíryo shírahámwe/ {Rundi} 'You should ask that at the administration of that association.' (R9)
/waarigira uté?/ {Rwanda} 'What would you do with it (the tobacco)?' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:295)

020 indicative affirmative conditional perfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:298; Cristini 2000:165, Rodegem 1967:44f
TONE PATTERNS:
	L S-oo-∆-ye {Rundi}
	L S-aa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/noobaaye umubéeshi/ {Rundi} 'I would be a liar.' (Cristini 2000:165, Rodegem 1967:44f)
/twaakoranye néezá/ {Rwanda} 'We would workwell together .' (Overdulve 1975:310)
/mbóonye amafaraanga naaguze igaáre/ {Rwanda} 'If I get money, I would buy a bicycle.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:298)

021 indicative affirmative conditional imperfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:240,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:295, Kimenyi 2002:177; Cristini 2000:165,181, Rodegem 1967:44f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	R S-oo-∆-a {Rundi}
	R S-oo+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	R S-aa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	R S-aa+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/twookwiibuka/ {Rundi} 'We might remember.' (Cristini 2000:63)
/bookwaandika/ {Rundi} 'They might write.' (Cristini 2000:196)
/baaríriimba/ {Rwanda} 'They would sing.' (Kimenyi 2002:177)
/baakwóogosha/ {Rwanda} 'They would shave.' (Kimenyi 2002:177)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	R S-oo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	R S-aa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/bábiizi baabivúga/ {Rwanda} 'If they knew it, they would say it.' (Bizimana 1998:205)
«Ivyo mudasobanukiwe, mwobibaza mu buyobozi bw'iryo shirahamwe» {Rundi} 'For whatever you do not understand, you should contact the administration of the association about it.' (R9)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	O S-oo-obj-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	O S-aa-obj-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/waagirá amafaraanga waayaámpa/ {Rwanda} 'If you had money, would you give it to me?' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301)
/arí byó ushaaká naabigúha/ {Rwanda} 'If this what you want, I would give it to you.' (Bizimana 1998:235)
/baabimúkorera/ {Rwanda} 'They would do it for him.'

022 indicative affirmative conditional perfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:241,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:298; Cristini 2000:165, Rodegem 1967:46
TONE PATTERNS:
	R S-oo-∆-ye {Rundi}
	R S-aa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/twookúbuuye/ {Rundi} 'We would sweep.' (Cristini 2000:165)
/iyáabá mwáakoraga néezá, mwaahéembwe/ {Rwanda} 'If you worked well, you would have been paid.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:298)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	R S-oo-obj-∆-ye {Rundi}
	R S-aa-obj-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/ivyo vyóóse noobiriinze/ {Rundi} 'All those things I can bear (them).' (R19)
/ikinjana twiikébaanuye twookivugakó ikí?/ {Rundi} 'What can we say about the century that we take leave of?' (R37)
/dúshiimuuse inká baadufáshe/ {Rwanda} 'If we stole cows, they would arrest us.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:298)

023 indicative negative conditional imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:241,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294f; Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-oo-∆-a {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-oo+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-aa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	N+L nti-S-aa+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ngira ubushyuúhe imbého ntíyaaza/ {Rwanda} 'I was warm and unaffected by the cold.' (R36.2)
/vyoobíiha ntívyoobura/ {Rundi} 'They might taste bad, but they should not be lacking.' (Rodegem 1967:56f)
/ntitwoosiga inyuma n'íngwaano ya Vietnam/ {Rundi} 'We should not ignore the Vietnam War.' (R37.4)
/sinaavuga kó arí umuuntu wúundi byaáturutsehó/ {Rwanda} 'I cannot say that it is someone's else's fault.' (R34.2)
/ntitwookwiibuka/ {Rundi} 'We would not remember.' (Cristini 2000:63)
/ntiyaakwiiga/ {Rwanda} 'He would not study.' (Overdulve 1975:241, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-oo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-aa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/sinaakuunganya undí mubyeéyi/ {Rwanda} 'I would not consider you equal to any other parent.' (R36.7)
/sinaamuha amafaraanga yaanjye/ {Rwanda} 'I would not give him my money.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294)

+ three objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-oo-obj-obj-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-aa-obj-obj-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/sinoohabimuheera/ {Rundi} (Ntahokaja 1994:116), /sinaahabimuheera/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'I would not give them to him there.'

024 indicative negative conditional perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-oo-∆-ye {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-oo+kw-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-aa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
	N+L nti-S-aa+kw-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ntitwookubuuye/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:174), /ntitwaakubuuye/ (LN) 'We would not have swept.'
/ntiyootweenze abagúfi/ {Rundi} 'He should not laugh at short people.' (Rodegem 1967:56)
/ntiyaasetse abagufí/ {Rwanda} 'He should not laugh at short people.' (LN)

8.1.5. Indicative Future
This tense is anticipatory and implies that an action will occur tomorrow or later. There is no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction.

025 indicative affirmative future
See: Overdulve 1975:116,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:107f, Kimenyi 2002:183f,188f; Cristini 2000:165,181,196, Rodegem 1967:44f,46f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	L S-zoo-∆-a {Rundi}
	L S-zoo+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	L S-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	L S-z-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/nzaandika/ {both} [vowel root] 'I will write.' (Cristini 2000:158, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:108)
/nzaakora ibi/ {Rwanda} (R32), /nzookora ibi/ {Rundi} (cf: Cristini 2000:192) 'I will do this.'
/nzaakurikiza isuku yaawe/ {Rwanda} 'I will emulate your cleanliness.' (R36.6)
/amabáhashá azookwugururwa muu náama y'íceése/ {Rundi} 'The envelopes will be opened in a public meeting.' (R9)

+ one or more objects
TONE PATTERNS:
	L S-zoo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	L S-zaa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/nzaakuraata ukó bigukwiíye/ {Rwanda} 'I will praise you as you deserve.' (R36.3
/bazooyikuura ku muúsi ugirá gatatu/ {Rundi} 'They will take it out on the third day.' (R15)
/nzaagushiima/{Rwanda} 'I will praise you.' (R36.3)
/azoomwiiba/ {Rundi} 'He will rob him.' (Cristini 2000:158)
/nzaayaguha/ {Rwanda} 'I will give it (the money) to you.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:296)
/uzoobimumbaririra/ {Rundi} 'You will tell it to him on my behalf.' (Cristini 2000:157)

026 indicative negative future
See: Overdulve 1975:117,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:109, Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+F+T nti-S-zóo-∆-a {Rundi}
	N+F+T nti-S-zóo-kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	N+F+R nti-S-záa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	N+F+R nti-S-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ntihazóobúra uwuhávunikira/ {Rundi} 'Someone is quite likely to get hurt there.' (R23)
/ntituzóokúbuura/ {Rundi} 'We will not sweep.' (Cristini 2000:174)
/sinzóogáruka/ {Rundi} 'I will not come back.' (Ntahokaja 1994:187)
/ntazáaryá/ {Rwanda} 'He will not eat.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:109)
/sinzóokwáandika/ {Rundi} 'I will not write.' (Cristini 2000:196)
/sinzáandika/ {Rwanda} 'I will not write.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:109)
/ntibazúubaka/ {Rwanda} 'They will not build.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:109)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	F+T nti-S-zóo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	F+R nti-S-záa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}

/sinzóobitáanga/ {Rundi} 'I will not offer it.' (Rodegem 1967:56)
/sinzáabakúrikira/ {Rwanda} 'I will not follow them.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:131)
/ntibazáamwéemera/ {Rwanda} 'They will not believe him.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:131)
/sinzáamusaba isábuné/ {Rwanda} 'I will not ask him for soap.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:131)

8.1.6. Indicative Conditional Future {Rwanda only}
This tense and affix combination is only found in Kinyarwanda and refers to a conditional action at least one day in the future. There is no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction.

027 indicative affirmative conditional future imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:276, Kimenyi 2002:189, Overdulve 1975:241,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300.
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-aa-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	L S-aa-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/mbóonye isúka naazaahiinga/ {Rwanda} 'If I had a hoe, I would cultivate.' (Bizimana 1998:276)
/twaazaakira/ {Rwanda} 'We would be better off.' (Overdulve 1975:246, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300)
/baaziiga/ {Rwanda} 'They would study.' (Overdulve 1975:241, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300)
/twaazáakóra néezá twaazaatsiinda/ {Rwanda} 'If we were to work well, we would succeed.' (Overdulve 1975:242, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301)

028 indicative affirmative conditional future perfective
See: Bizimana 1998:276, Overdulve 1975:310
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-aa-zaa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
	L S-aa-z-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/mbáaye umugabo naazaahiinze ibigóori/ {Rwanda} 'If I had the means [lit. 'If I were a man'], I would cultivate corn.' (Bizimana 1998:276)

029 indicative negative conditional future imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:277, Overdulve 1975:241f,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300.
TONE PATTERN:
	L nti-S-aa-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	L nti-S-aa-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/nkúraangiye inká nziizá ntiwaazaayigura/ {Rwanda} 'If I notified you about a good cow, would you not buy it?' (Bizimana 1998:277) [object does not affect tonality]
/tutaagirá ináama ntítwaazaatsiinda/ {Rwanda} 'If we did not have advice, we would not succeed?' (Overdulve 1975:242)
/ntitwaazeemera/ {Rwanda} 'We would not accept.' (Overdulve 1975:241, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300)

030 indicative negative conditional future perfective
See: Bizimana 1998:277; not in Overdulve 1975:311.
TONE PATTERN:
	L nti-S-aa-zaa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
/waankuúnze ntiwaazaampaaye inká?/ {Rwanda} 'If you loved me, wouldn't you give me a cow?' (Bizimana 1998:277) [object does not affect tonality]

8.1.7. Indicative Persistive
This tense denotes that an action is still in progress. There is no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction.

031 indicative affirmative persistive imperfective
See: Cristini 2000:166,181, Rodegem 1967:44f – conjoint.
See: Cristini 2000:166,181, Rodegem 1967:46f – disjoint.
See: Overdulve 1975:189,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:219f, Kimenyi 2002:179 – no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction.
TONE PATTERNS:
	F+R S-racáa-∆-a {Rundi}
	F+R S-rac-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	F+R S-racyáa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	F+R S-racy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ndacáandika/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:196), /ndacyáandika/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220) 'I am still writing.'
/uracáakóra/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:192), /uracyáakóra/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220) 'You are still working.'
/baráceémeza yúukó ata mashuúre y'ábiígeme/ {Rundi} 'They still maintain that there should be no school for girls.' (R39.3, JN)
/ndacyíiga ikinyarwaanda/ {Rwanda} 'I am still studying Rwanda. '(Overdulve 1975:189, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:219)
/aracáakóra ubudátuuzá/ {Rundi} 'He is still working without a break.'
/abanyaambo baracyáahíiga/ {Rwanda} 'The Nyambo still hunt.' (R38)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	F+R S-racáa-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	F+R S-racyáa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/ndacyáakíiga (ikinyarwaanda)/ {Rwanda} 'I am still learning it.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:221)

032 indicative affirmative persistive perfective
See: Bizimana 1998:264; Cristini 2000:166 – disjoint.
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220 – no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction.
TONE PATTERNS:
	F+R S-racáa-∆-ye {Rundi}
	F+R S-rac-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rundi}
	F+R S-racyáa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
	F+R S-racy-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/aracáarwáaye/ {Rundi} 'He is still sick.' (Cristini 2000:166)
/turacyáakanuye/ {Rwanda} 'We are still awake.' (Bizimana 1998:263)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	F+R S-racáa-obj-∆-ye {Rundi}
	F+R S-racyáa-obj-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/ikibázo c'ísúkaári kiracáatugooye/ {Rundi} 'The sugar problem is still difficult for us.' (R33.1)

033 indicative negative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222, Kimenyi 2002:184,198; Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	N+L nti-S-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	N+L nti-S-c-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-cy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/sincaandika/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:196), /siincyaandika/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222) 'I do not write anymore.'
/siinkigira icyó maríra abáanjyé/ {Rwanda} 'I am no longer useful to my family.' (R34.5)
/ntugikora/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:192), /ntuugikora/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222) 'You do not work anymore.'
/abagabo ntíbagihiinga/ {Rwanda} 'The men no longer plow.' (Overdulve 1975:191)
/ntibacyiitabaara/ {Rwanda} 'They don't defend themselves anymore.' (Kimenyi 2002:198)
/abaábiiranye ntíbagishobora gutáana/ {Rundi} 'Those who are married can no longer get separated.' (Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56)
«uburyo ifi yitwa Raie yisukura mu nda ntibukiri ibanga» {Rwanda} 'How the fish called 'Ray' cleans its stomach is no longer a secret.' (R12)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-ki-obj-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	N+L nti-S-gi-obj-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
/ntitukibigura/ {both} 'We no longer buy them.' (Bizimana 1998:263)

034 indicative negative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222; Cristini 2000:174; no example in Rodegem 1967:56.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-ki-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {both}
	N+L nti-S-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {both}
	N+L nti-S-c-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rundi}
	N+L nti-S-cy-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/sinkirwaaye/ {Rundi} 'I am not sick anymore.' (Cristini 2000:174)
/ntaakibona/ {both} 'He does not see anymore.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:349)

8.1.8. Indicative Inceptive
This tense has two distinct meanings in English, already in the affirmative and not yet in the negative. Although Rodegem (1967:44–47) and Cristini (2000:166) suggest otherwise, the identical tonality of their examples establishes that there is no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction. There is also no imperfective/perfective distinction. Although Rundi maintains this construction in both the affirmative (already) and negative (yet), Rwanda only allows it in negative constructions. If a negative marker such as /ntaa bwo/ 'never' heads the clause, then the equivalent of an affirmative form does occur in Rwanda.

035 indicative affirmative inceptive
See: Cristini 2000:166, Rodegem 1967:44f – conjoint
See: Cristini 2000:166 Rodegem 1967:46f – disjoint 
See: Overdulve 1975:310 – with negative head no conjoint/disjoint distinction.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-ráa-∆-a {both}
/uráatáangura gukóra/ {Rundi} 'Have you already begun to work?' (Cristini 2000:166, Rodegem 1967:44)
/uráakóra/ {Rundi} 'Have you already started working?' (Cristini 2000:166, Rodegem 1967:46)
/turáakúbuura urugó/ {Rundi} 'Have we already swept the yard?'
/ntaa bwo turáakórana/ {both} 'We have never worked together.' (cf: Overdulve 1975:310)

036 indicative negative inceptive {both}
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224f, Kimenyi 2002:179; Cristini 2000:174, Rodegem 1967:56f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+F+R nti-S-ráa-∆-a {both}
	N+F+R nti-S-r-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/ntituráabariira/ {both} 'We haven't sewn yet.' (Cristini 2000:174)
/ikiruúndi ntíkiráandikwa nk'úukó kivugwá/ {both} 'Rundi is not yet written the way it is spoken.' (Ntahokaja. n.d.:ii)
/ntaráamenya gusoma/ {both} 'He does not know how to read yet.'

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+F+R nti-S-ráa-obj-∆-a {both}
/murí rusaánge ntibaráabyíitabiira/ {Rwanda} 'In general they do not yet comply with it.' (R38.6)
/sindáabyúumva/ {Rwanda} 'I don't understand it yet.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:343)

8.1.9. Indicative Narrative
Affirmative narrative constructions are covered by the immediate tense (see §8.1.1). However, Rwanda has a special construction in the negative. Note that no conjunction is used in such constructions.

037 indicative negative narrative
See: Bizimana 1998:242, Coupez 1980:390,410f #185, Overdulve 1975:154,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:182f.
TONE PATTERNS:
	N+L nti-S-a-∆-a
	N+L nti-S-Ø-∆-a [vowel root]
/umuuntu w'úmusáaza yambwiiy’ ikinyarwaanda sínuumva/ {both} 'An old man told me something in Rwanda ... but I didn't understand.' (Overdulve 1975:291 #118, JN)
/peetero ntíyamenya icyó yeézu amubwiíye/ {Rwanda} 'And Peter did not know what Jesus told him.' (Bizimana 1998:242)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	N+L ntí-S-a-obj-∆-a
/nagiiye i waábo sínamubona/ {both} 'I went to his place but didn't find him there.' (Overdulve 1975:154. JN)
/baapimye inyama ntíyazigura/ {both} 'They weighed the meat but he didn't buy it.' (Overdulve 1975:154. JN)
8.2. Participial
The participial is the mood of dependent or subordinate clauses, literally translated with -ing. It is used in temporal clauses implying when or as soon as, after certain head verbs involving cognition (e.g., –saanga 'find that,' –róota 'dream that') plus a number of auxiliary verbs (see §10.2.1 and Table 115), and always after the copulative auxiliaries –rí, –bá that show that an action is out of the main time line (see §10.3). The primary tonality of the participial is the 1rule (high tone on the first vowel after the first consonant). The conjoint/disjoint distinction is maintained idiosyncratically in some tenses. Rwanda has it in the recent, the future, the conditional, and the conditonal future, while Rundi only has it in the recent and the preterit.

8.2.1. Participial Immediate
The highest frequency use of the participial is in the immediate tense. Neither dialect distinguishes conjoint from disjoint in this tense. Since high tone always falls on the first vowel to follow the first consonant in the affirmative, the presence of one or more objects will not affect tonality.

038 participial affirmative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:189–192; Cristini 2000:166f,181, Rodegem 1967:48f.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-∆-a {both}
/nsaanze dúhuuje/ {both} 'I find that we agree.' (R1)
/yari yúubatse/ {both} 'She was married.' (R17.8)
/ubigabura bíshyuushye/ {Rwanda} 'You serve them hot.' (R18)
/ibituúngwa yarí atúunze/ {both} 'The livestock which he had owned ...' (R25.2)
/ni aho haantu babá bávuga/ (both) 'It is that place that they are usually referring to.' (R40.2)
/baahora báryaama bátevye/ {Rundi} 'They used to go to bed late.' (Ntahokaja 1976:29)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-obj-∆-a {both}
/baba bábibona/ {both} 'They usually see it.' (R15)
/umukurú wiíyo ntáará yar'áabíizi/ {both} 'The leader of that region knew about it.' (R23)
/harihó abayíroonka bagaca báyinyegeza/ {Rundi} 'There are those who get it and hide it right away.' (R33.6)

039 participial affirmative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190; Cristini 2000:167, Rodegem 1967:48f.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-∆-ye {both}
/bayeenga bákoreesheje urwáagwá/ {both} 'They brew it using banana beer.' (R24.1, JN)
/iyó abá yáarafáshe iba yápfuuye ubusá/ {both} 'The ones that he has taken up to that point have been in vain.' (R31.4, JN)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-obj-∆-ye {both}
/ihíbaámbewé ntuundyá ngútabaaye/ {Rundi} 'Oh no! Don't eat me after I helped you out!' (R27.4, JN)

040 participial negative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311; Cristini 2000:176, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+P S-ta-∆-a
	1+P S-t-∆-a [vowel root]
/kubéera ikí nuúbu isúkaári igumá itábonéka/ (Rundi) 'Why does sugar continue to be unavailable?' (R33.5)
/uwaánduza ni uryá akigwaáye atíivúuza/ {Rundi} 'The one who contaminates is someone who is ill but does not seek treatment.' (R31.3)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1+P2 S-ta-obj-∆-a
/ntákubwiíra/ {both} 'Didn't I tell you!' (R28.4)
/bátagisóma/ {both} 'They not reading it ...' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:189)

041 participial negative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190; Cristini 2000:176, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERNS:
	1+P S-ta-∆-ye
	1+P S-t-∆-ye [vowel verb]
/níibá utányuzwé cyo tujyé kureeba ikidúkiraanura/ {Rwanda} 'If you are not satisfied, let's go look for a way to settle our dispute.' (R28.2)
/itábaanjé gutúungaanywa/ {both} 'They having not first been treated ...' (R20)
/ntaa ndwi yahéra adáshooyé mwó kimwé/ {Rundi) 'There wasn't a week that went by that he didn't sell one of them.' (R25.2)
/hari núubwó bateekéra hamwé bátavaangúuye ingó/ {both} 'There are times they cook (and eat) together without splitting up into families.' (R38.3)
/yaaje ageenda atányooyé kuu nzogá/ {both} 'He came and left without drinking any beer.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:191)

+ one object
TONE PATTERNS:
	1+P S-ta-obj-∆-ye
	1+P S-t-obj-∆-ye [vowel root]
/ubiteeka ku muriro muké utábipfuúndikiye/ {both} 'Cook uncovered on low heat.' (R18)
/ntibashobóra kugira ahó bajyá bátabiheérewe uburéengaanzirá/ {Rwanda} 'They cannot go anywhere without permission.' [lit. 'they not being given it'] (R8a)

8.2.2. Participial Recent
Both dialects maintain a conjoint/disjoint distinction in the recent participial, the conjoint loses root tonality and the disjoint maintains it.

042 participial affirmative recent imperfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Kimenyi 2002:191; Cristini 2000:194.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-a-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+L S-a-∆-aga {Rwanda}
/yasaanze náteeraga ipaási/ {Rwanda} 'He came while I was ironing.' (Bizimana 1998:270)
/twáakorana néezá/ {Rundi} (JN), /twáakoranaga néezá/ {Rwanda} (cf: Overdulve 1975:310) 'We having recently worked well together ...'

043 participial affirmative recent perfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190, Kimenyi 2002:191; Cristini 2000:167,194
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-áa-∆-ye {both}
/ndetse n'úkubóko kwáakomeretse cyaane/ {Rwanda} '... and even the arm was seriously injured.' (R34.5)
/ivyo bitígiri vyaári vyáamanutse caane/ {Rundi} 'Those figures had dramatically decreased.' (R39.2)
/umwáana aba yávutse ku bavyéeyi baábiiranye bíciiye mu matégeko/ {Rundi} 'A child who was born to parents who were legally married ....' (R13, JN)

044 participial affirmative recent imperfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:178,310; Cristini 2000:167,181,194.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+R S-áa-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+R S-áa-∆-aga {Rwanda}
/náakúbuura/ {Rundi} 'I having just swept ...' (Cristini 2000:167)
/twáakóranaga/ {Rwanda} 'We having worked together ...' (Overdulve 1975:310)
/twaasaanze báakóraga/ {Rwanda} 'We noticed that they were working (today).' (Overdulve 1975:178)

045 participial affirmative recent perfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190, Kimenyi 2002:174f; Cristini 2000:167,194
TONE PATTERN:
	1+R S-áa-∆-ye {both}
	1+X S-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
/kukó abayínywa arí bo usaangá báatémaguranye/ {both} '... because those who drink it are the ones you find have hacked each other up.' (R24.4, JN)
/nyina aba yáapfáakaye/ {both} 'The mother has been widowed.' (R13)
/imisúre yáagurutse/ {both} 'The mousebirds having just flown off ...' (Cristini 2000:167)
/twaari bwáapfé/ {Rundi} 'We were about to die.' (Ntahokaja 1976:29)
/nsaanga inká zíizituye/ {both} 'I found the cows got untied.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:273)
/bóogoshe/ {both} 'They having just shaved ...' (Kimenyi 2002:175)
/mwáanditse/ {both} 'You having just written ...' (Cristini 2000:197)

046 participial negative recent imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311; Cristini 2000:176, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-ta-a-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+L S-ta-a-∆-aga {Rwanda}
/waboonye tútaabohaga?/ {Rwanda} 'Didn't you see us knitting?' (Bizimana 1998:271)
/nzi atáahora asíiba/ {Rundi} 'I know that he was not often absent.' (Cristini 2000:176)
/wasaanze tútaakubuuye inzu/ {both} 'You found that we did not sweep the house.' (Bizimana 1998:271)

047 participial negative recent perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190; Cristini 2000:177.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-ta-a-∆-ye {both}
/níibá utáasaze waasíinze/ {both} 'If you are not crazy, you are drunk!' (Jacob #2 1986:396, JN)
/tútaakoranye/ {Rwanda} 'We having just worked together ...' (Overdulve 1975:311)
/ntáakubuuye/ {Rundi} 'I not having swept ...' (Cristini 2000:177)

8.2.3. Participial Preterit
Rwanda has no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction in the participial preterit, however Rundi does maintain a difference.

048 participial affirmative preterit imperfective conjoint
See: Cristini 2000:168,181,194, Rodegem 1967:48.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-á-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	1+2+L S-áá-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	2+L S-Ø-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
/nákubuura urugó/ {Rundi} 'I having swept the yard ...' (JN; cf: Cristini 2000:168)
/yákora/ {Rundi} 'He having worked ...' (Cristini 2000:193)
/twáábariira impuúzu/ {Rundi} 'We having sewn clothes ...' (Cristini 2000:168)

049 participial affirmative preterit perfective conjoint
See: Cristini 2000:168,193,194; no conjoint form in Rwanda.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-á-∆-ye [weak] {Rundi}
	1+2+L S-áá-∆-ye [strong] {Rundi}
	2+L S-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rundi}
/nákoze/ {Rundi} 'I having worked ...' (Cristini 2000:193)
/twáákoze umurimo/ {Rundi} 'We having done the work ...' (cf: Cristini 2000:193)
/yaánditse/ {Rundi} 'He having written ...' (Cristini 2000:196)
/baánditse/ {Rundi} 'They having written ...' (Cristini 2000:196)

050 participial affirmative preterit imperfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:179,310, Bizimana 1998:272; Cristini 2000:168,185, Rodegem 1967:48f.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+T S-áa-ra-∆-aga {Rwanda}
	1+2+T S-áá-ra-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	1+T S-á-ra-∆-a [weak vowel root] {Rundi}
	1+2+T S-áá-r-∆-a [strong vowel root] {Rundi}
/twáárabáriira/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:168), /twáarabáriiraga/ {Rwanda} 'We having sewn ...'
/báárasóma/ {Rundi}, /báarasómaga/ {Rwanda} 'They having read ...'
/báararwáaraga/ {Rwanda} 'They having been sick ...' (Bizimana 1998:272)
/twaásaanze báarakóraga/ {Rwanda} 'We noticed that they were working (yesterday).' (Overdulve 1975:179)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1+T S-áa-ra-obj-∆-aga {Rwanda}
	1+2+T S-áá-ra-obj-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
/iyó ntakugirá riba ryáaraampúhuye/ {Rwanda} 'If I did not have you, he would have finished me off.' (R28.5)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	1+O2+L S-á-ra-obj-obj-∆-a 
/nárazibábariirira/ {Rundi} 'I having sewn them (dresses) for them' (Cristini 2000:168)

051 participial affirmative preterit perfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190, Bizimana 1998:273, Kimenyi 2002:200; Cristini 2000:168,197.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+T S-áa-ra-∆-ye [strong] {Rwanda}
	1+2+T S-áá-ra-∆-ye [strong] {Rundi}
	1+L S-á-r-∆-ye [weak vowel root] {both}
	1+2+L S-áá-r-∆-ye [strong vowel root] {Rundi}
	1+L S-áa-r-∆-ye [strong vowel root] {Rwanda}
/abeénshi bakaba bááravúuye mu Buruúndi/ {Rundi} 'Most (of them) had come from Burundi.' (R29.3)
/iyó abá yárafáshe iba yápfuuye ubusá/ {Rundi} 'Those (medicines) he has taken have been in vain.' (R31.4, JN)
/iziíndi zikaba zááraróonse urukiingo/ {Rundi} '... and others have obtained vaccine.' (R37.3)
/báaroogoshe/ {Rwanda} 'They having shaven ...' (Kimenyi 2002:201)
/twáákúbuuye/ {Rundi} 'We having swept before today ...' (JN, Stevick 1965:12)
/niíbwiiraga kó cyaabá cyáarapfúbye/ {Rwanda} 'I assumed that it should have deactivated' (R34.3)
/twáárakóze/ {Rundi} (cf: Cristini 2000:198), /twáarakóze/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190) 'We having worked ...'
/twáárasómye/ {Rundi} (JN), /twáarasómye/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190) 'We having read.'
/bááratábaaye/ {Rundi} (JN), /báaratábaaye/ {Rwanda} 'They having defended ...' (Kimenyi 2002:200)
/ikinyarwaanda cyaári cyáaraháriwe/ {Rwanda} 'Kinyarwanda had been dedicated ...' (Bizimana 1998:3)
/iyi mpanuka idasaanzwé ngo yaaba yáratéewe n'ámaferi yacíitse/ {Rwanda} 'This unusual accident, it is believed, may have been caused by defective brakes.' (R16)
/yáraanditse/ {Rundi} 'He having had written ...' (Cristini 2000:197)
/twááraanditse/ {Rundi} 'We having had written ...' (Cristini 2000:197)

052 participial negative preterit imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311; Cristini 2000:177; no example in Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+2+L S-ta-á-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+2+L S-ta-á-∆-aga {Rwanda}
/tútaákora/ {Rundi} 'We having not worked ...' (Cristini 2000:193)
/tútaákoranaga/ {Rwanda} 'We having not worked together ...' (Overdulve 1975:311)

053 participial negative preterit perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+2+L S-ta-á-∆-ye {both}
	1+T S-ta-a-ra-∆-ye {Rwanda alt}
/ntaa wusóroma ataárimye/ {Rundi} 'There is no one who reaps having not plowed.'
/tútaákoze/ {both} 'We having not worked ...' (Cristini 2000:193, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190)
/tútaásomye/ {both} 'We having not read ...' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190)
/tútaarasómye/ {Rwanda} 'We having not read ...' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190)
/tútaákoranye/ {Rwanda} 'We having not worked together ...' (Overdulve 1975:311)

8.2.4. Participial Conditional
As was mentioned concerning the indicative conditional, the conditional is a tense in Kinyarwanda and Kirundi, not a mood, expressing some eventuality (in the imperfective it is akin to English should) or an unrealized event (in the perfective it is akin to English would have).

054 participial affirmative conditional imperfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:241,310; Cristini 2000:168,181, Rodegem 1967:48f.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-óo-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+L S-óo+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	1+L S-áa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	1+L S-áa+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/nyuma bakaba báakomeza kóonka/ {Rwanda} 'Afterwards, they should continue to be breastfed.' (R6)
/asaanga báahiinga umurimá/ {Rwanda} 'He finds that they would plow the field.' (Overdulve 1975:241, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294)
/ubona vyóokuunda gúte/ {Rundi} 'In your opinion, how would this be possible?' (Cristini 2000:168, Rodegem 1967:48)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-óo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+L S-áa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/je mbona iryo boomba wóorikoreesha.../ {Rundi} 'I really think you should repair (it) that pump...' (JN, R23)

055 participial affirmative conditional perfective conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310; Rodegem 1967:48f; not in Cristini 2000:168.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-óo-∆-ye {Rundi}
	1+L S-óo+kw-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rundi}
	1+L S-aa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
	1+L S-áa+kw-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/bóovuze ikí mu máaso yíiwé/ {Rundi} 'What could they say in his presence?' (Rodegem 1967:48)
/twóokoranye néezá/ {Rundi} (JN), /twáakoranye néezá/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:310) 'We would have worked well together .'

056 participial affirmative conditional imperfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310; no disjoint in Rundi.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+R S-áa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
/twáakórana/ {Rwanda} 'We should work together.' (Overdulve 1975:310)

057 participial affirmative conditional perfective disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310
TONE PATTERN:
	1+R S-áa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/twáakóranye/ {Rwanda} 'We could work together.' (Overdulve 1975:310)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1+R S-aa-obj-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/babá báadufáshe/ {Rwanda} 'They would have been arresting us.' (Overdulve 1975:245)

058 participial negative conditional imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-t-oo-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+L S-t-aa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/njye nuúmvaga igisaásu kítaakorana n'ímvúra/ {Rwanda} 'I thought that a mine cannot work in the rain.' (R34.3)
/tútaakorana/ {Rwanda} 'We should not work together.' (Overdulve 1975:311)
/nsaanze bátoogeenda/ {Rundi} 'I think that they shouldn't go.' (Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-t-oo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+L S-t-aa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/kurí jeewé mbona ivyo ntóovyeemera/ {Rundi} 'To my way of thinking, I would not accept that.' (Ntahokaja 1994:194)

059 participial negative conditional perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311; no Rundi examples or patterns given in Overdulve or Rodegem.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-t-aa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/tútaakoranye/ {Rwanda} 'We not being able to work together ...' (Overdulve 1975:311)

8.2.5. Participial Future
Although Rwanda maintains a distinction between conjoint and disjoint, Rundi only uses the equivalent of the disjoint forms.

060 participial affirmative future conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/túzaasoma igitabo/ {Rwanda} 'When we will read the book ...' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190)
/túzaakora akazi/ {Rwanda} 'When we will do the work ...' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190)

061 participial affirmative future disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190, Kimenyi 2002:176; Cristini 2000:168,181, Rodegem 1967:48.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+T S-zoo-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+T+J S-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	1+T S-zoo+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi alt}
	1+R S-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	1+X S-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/umuúsi baraayé bázoogéenda/ {Rundi} 'The day before their departure'...'
/túzaakórana/ {Rwanda} 'We will work together (and) ...' (Overdulve 1975:310)
/bázaaríriimba/ {Rwanda} 'When they will sing ...' (Kimenyi 2002:176)
/bázóógosha/ {Rundi} (JN), /bázoogosha/ {Rwanda} (Kimenyi 2002:176) 'When they will shave ...'
/bázookwáandika/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:198), /bázáándika/ {Rundi}, /bázaandika/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'When they will write ...'

062 participial negative future
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:190; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58f.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+F+R S-ta-zóo-∆-a {Rundi}
	1+F+R S-ta-záa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/nkeeka bátazóozá vubá/ {Rundi} 'I think that they won't come soon.' (Cristini 2000:177)
/tútazáakórana/ {Rwanda} '... us not going to work together.' (Overdulve 1975:311)

8.2.6. Participial Conditional Future {Rwanda only}
Only Kinyarwanda has conditional future forms. In the participial mood only imperfective forms are found, perfective forms are not used.

063 participial affirmative conditional future conjoint
See: Bizimana 1998:276; no conjoint/disjoint distinction maintained in Overdulve 1975:310.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-áa-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
/usáanze náazaahiinga ibijuumba waambwíira/ {Rwanda} 'If you think that I should cultivate sweet potatoes, you should tell me.' (Bizimana 1998:276)
/twáazaakorana/ {Rwanda} 'We might be working together.' (Overdulve 1975:310)

064 participial affirmative conditional future disjoint
See: Bizimana 1998:276; no conjoint/disjoint distinction maintained in Overdulve 1975:310.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+F+R S-áa-záa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
/usáanze náazáahíinga waambwíira/ {Rwanda} 'If you think that I should cultivate, you should tell me.' (Bizimana 1998:276)

065 participial negative conditional future
See: Bizimana 1998:277, Overdulve 1975:311.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-t-aa-zaa-∆-a
/usáanze bátaazaakora waabahágarikira/ {Rwanda} 'If you find that they will not work, you should watch them.' (Bizimana 1998:277)
/tútaazaakorana/ {Rwanda} 'We might not be working.' (Overdulve 1975:311)

8.2.7. Participial Persistive
There is no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction. Because tonality falls exclusively on the first vowel to follow a consonant, the presence of one or more objects will not make any tonal difference.

066 participial affirmative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:190,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220; Cristini 2000:168, Rodegem 1967:48f.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	1+L S-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	1+L S-c-∆-a [vowel verb] {Rundi}
	1+L S-cy-∆-a [vowel verb] {Rwanda}
/inkúrikizi mbí ziívyo biboómbe zikaba zíciibonekeza/ {Rundi} 'The negative effects of these bombs are still attracting notice.' (R37.4)
/bitaama ntiyarí agíca ahabóna/ {Rundi} 'Bitama could no longer be seen anywhere.' (R25.3)
/bágitweenga/ {both} '(By the time he finished talking), they were still laughing.' (R11)
/kuva bákivuuka/ {both} 'from their birth' (R6)
/ntaabá acáanduza/ {Rundi} 'He is not infectious anymore.' (R31.3)
/ncyáandika/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:197), /ncyáandika/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220) 'I still writing ...'

067 participial affirmative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220; no Rundi examples or patterns given in Cristini or Rodegem.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-ki-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {Rwanda or both}
	1+L S-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda or both}
	1+L S-cy-∆-ye [vowel verb] {Rwanda}
/ntituba túgikoranye/ {Rwanda} 'We could no longer work together.' (cf: Overdulve 1975:310)

068 participial negative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-ta-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	1+L S-ta-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	1+L S-ta-c-∆-a [vowel root]] {Rundi}
	1+L S-ta-cy-∆-a [vowel root]] {Rwanda}
/baagiiye bátakivuga/ {both} 'They left without talking anymore.' (Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58)
/tútagikorana/ {both} 'We not working together anymore ...' (JN, Overdulve 1975:311)
/ntácaandika/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:197), /ntácyaandika/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222) 'I not writing anymore ...'

069 participial negative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-ta-ki-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {both}
	1+L S-ta-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {both}
/numva bátakivuze/ {Rundi} 'No doubt they won't say anything anymore.' (Rodegem 1967:58)
/atákirwaaye náaruhúuke néezá/ {both} 'He not being sick anymore, he should rest well.' (cf: Cristini 2000:177)
/bátagiteetse/ {both} 'They not cooking anymore ...' (JN, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222)

8.2.8. Participial Inceptive
Neither dialect maintains a conjoint/disjoint nor any imperfective/perfective distinction. Although Rundi maintains this construction in both the affirmative (already) and negative (yet), Rwanda only allows it in the negative.

070 participial affirmative inceptive
See: Cristini 2000:168,184, Rodegem 1967:48f; not in Overdulve 1975:310.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+R S-raa-∆-a {Rundi only}
/izúuba ntíribá ríraakomera/ {Rundi} 'The sun is usually not strong yet.' (Cristini 2000:168)

071 participial negative inceptive
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224, Kimenyi 2002:180; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58f.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+F+R S-tá-ráa-∆-a [consonant root strong prefix] {both}
	1+F+R S-tá-ráa-∆-a [consonant root weak prefix] {Rwanda}
	1+R S-tá-raa-∆-a [consonant root weak prefix] {Rundi}
	1+F+R S-tá-r’-∆-a [strong or weak vowel root] {Rwanda}
	1+P2 S-tá-r’-∆-a [strong vowel root] {Rundi}
	1+R S-tá-r’-∆-a [weak vowel root] {Rundi}
/ntáraavúga urámenya yúukó .../ {Rundi} 'Before I speak, you'd better know that ...' (R27.4, JN)
/igihe mvuutsé ntáráareeba/ {Rwanda} 'When I was born, I still couldn't see.' (R36.2)
/atáráasoonza/ {Rwanda} 'He not being hungry yet ...' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224)
/atáraahaaga {Rundi} 'He not getting full yet ...' (Cristini 2000:177)
/itáráabáagwa naryaga ikí?/ {Rwanda} 'It not being slaughtered yet, what was I eating?' [proverb] (Bizimana 1998:265)
/ntáraandika/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:198), /ntáráandika/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224) 'I having not yet written ...'
/bátaráaríriimba/ {both} 'Before they sang ...' [lit. 'They having not yet sung ....'] (Kimenyi 2002:180, JN)
/bátaroógosha/{Rundi} (JN), /bátáróogosha/ {Rwanda} (Kimenyi 2002:180) '... them having not shaved yet.'
/tútaruúbaka/ {Rundi} (JN), /tútarúubaka/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224) '... us having not yet built.'

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1+F+R S-ta-ráa-obj-∆-a
/narií ntáráabibóna/ {Rwanda} 'I haven't seen that yet.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:350)
/wari uútáráabyumva/ {Rwanda} 'You haven't heard about it yet.'(Overdulve & Jacob 1998:350)

8.3. Relative
The relative is the mood of dependent or subordinate clauses that broadly translate as who, which, or that in English. Verbs that follow any of the relative pronouns (§4.5 and Table 61) and many conjunctions (§12.2.1 and Tables 123–4) are in the relative. No tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction obtains. The primary tonality of the relative is the Prule (high tone on the second syllable of the root).
Kinyarwanda has a special but limited subject relative verb form which agrees with the subject of the sentence (/uhágarariye/ he who represents) as opposed to a verb agreeing with an object (/ahagárariye/ the country which he represents). Because of this distinction, some authors establish object relative as opposed to a subject relative constructions. The primary tonality of this subject relative is the 1rule, similar to the participial. The most significant and consistent difference is the treatment of n1-sg, which is always u- in subject relatives, w- before a vowel, and a- in object relatives, y- before a vowel (see Table 105). This conjugation is limited in two ways: it only occurs after three vowel-initial prefixes (u- n1-sg, n2-sg, i- n2-pl, n5-sg, a- n3-pl, n8-pl, n9-pl) and the 1rule is not maintained in all tenses (the recent and the preterit subject relative overlap tonally with the standard or object relative conjugations). Similar to our treatment of linkage (§8 #5 above), we will only recognize this distinction when it is maintained grammatically and tonally. The fact that the grammatical head of a relative verb is its subject or object will never matter in Kirundi and will only be significant in Rwanda if the subject is group 1 singular or the prefix of the verb is a vowel. Otherwise, in Kinyarwanda as always in Kirundi, the term relative will refer to all object relative constructions in both languages and to consonant-initial subject relative constructions in Kinyarwanda.
subject relative distinguished
/umwáana ukúbita/ [1rule] {Rwanda} 'The child who hits...' (Overdulve 1975:158)
/ugéenda/ [1rule] {Rwanda} 'He who goes ...'
/utáráasoonza/ [1+F+R] 'He who is not yet hungry ...' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224)
subject relative not distinguished
/ageendá/ [Prule] {Rundi} 'He who goes ...'
/bageendá/ [Prule] {both} 'They who go ...'
/ibijuumba biteetswé/ [Prule] {Rwanda} 'The sweet potatoes that are cooked ...' (Overdulve 1975:158)
object relative
/umwáana akubíta/ [Prule] {both} ' ... the child whom he hits.' (Overdulve 1975:158)
/abagabo umuhuúngu ahamágara/ [Prule] {both} ' ... the men whom the boy calls.' (Overdulve 1975:157)
/ibijuumba bateeká/ [Prule] {Rwanda} ' ... the sweet potatoes that they cook.' (Overdulve 1975:158)
/ataráasoonza/ [F+R] ' ... him who is not yet hungry.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224)

Table 105. Subject vs. Object Relative in Kinyarwanda
subject relative	tone	object relative	tone	
umuuntu 'person' n1-sg understood		umuuntu 'person' n1-sg understood		
immediate affirmative & negative (§8.3.1)	
usába 'the person who asks'
udásabá 'the person who does not ask'	1
1+P	asabá 'the person whom he asks'
adasabá 'the p. whom he doesn't ask'	P
P	
usábye 'the person who just asked'
udásabyé 'the p. who did not just ask'	1
1+P	asabyé 'the person whom he asked'
adasabyé 'the p.whom he didn't ask'	P
P	
recent affirmative & negative (§8.3.2)	
wasabága 'the person who was asking'

utáasabaga 'the person who did not ask'	P

1+L	yasabága 'the person whom he was asking'
ataasabága 'the person whom he did not ask'	P

P	
wasabyé 'the person who asked'
utáasabye 'the person who did not ask'	P
1+L	yasabyé 'the p. whom he asked
ataasabyé 'the p. whom he didn't ask'	P
P	
preterit affirmative & negative (§8.3.3)	
wasábaga 'the person who has asked'
utáásabaga 'the p. who had not asked'
utáarasábaga [-ra- form]	2
1+2
1+T	yasábaga 'the p. whom he has asked
ataásabaga 'the person whom he had not asked	2+L
2+L	
wasábye 'the person who had asked'
utáásabye 'the p. who had not asked'
utáarasábye [-ra- form]	2
1+2
1+T	yasábye 'the p. whom he had asked'
ataásabye 'the person whom he had not asked'	2+L
2+L	
conditional affirmative & negative (§8.3.4)	
waasabá 'the p. who might ask'
utáasaba 'the person who might not ask'	P
1+L	yaasabá 'the p. whom he may ask'
ataasabá 'the person whom he may not ask'	P
P	
waasabyé 'the person who would ask'
utáasabye 'the person who would not ask'	P
1+L	yaasabyé 'the p. whom he would ask'
ataasabyé 'the person whom he would not ask'	P
P	
future affirmative & negative (§8.3.5)	
uzáasaba 'the p. who will ask'
utázáasaba 'the person who will not ask'	F+R
1+F+R	azáasaba 'the p. whom he will ask'
atazáasaba 'the person whom he will not ask'	F+R
F+R	
conditional future affirmative & negative (§8.3.6)	
waazáasaba 'the person who might be asking'
utáazaasaba 'the person who might not be asking'	F+R

1+X	yaazáasaba 'the person whom he might be asking'
ataazáasaba 'the person whom he might not be asking'	F+R

F+R	
waazáasabye 'the person who would be asking'
utáazaasabye 'the person who would not be asking'	F+R

1+X	yaazáasabye 'the person whom he would be asking'
ataazáasabye 'the person whom he would not be asking'	F+R

F+R	
persistive affirmative & negative (§8.3.7)	
ugísaba 'the person who still asks'

utágisaba 'the person who doesn't ask anymore'	1

1	agisabá 'the person whom he still asks'
atagisaba 'the person whom he no longer asks'	P

L	
ugísabye 'the person who still asks'
utágisabye 'the person who no longer asks'	1
1	agisabyé 'the p. whom he still asks'
atagisabye 'the person whom he no longer asks	P
L	
inceptive/punctual negative (§8.3.8)	
uráasaba 'the person who has yet to ask'
utáráasaba 'the person who has not yet asked'	F+R

1+F+R	aráasaba 'the person whom he has yet to ask'
ataráasaba 'the person whom he has not yet asked'	F+R

F+R	

8.3.1. Relative Immediate
In Kinyarwanda, this construction follows the preprefix /ní/ to show a hypothetical condition.
/níbariríimba/ {Rwanda} 'If they sing ...' (Kimenyi 2002:208) [cf: Rundi: /ní baariríimba/ recent]
/níboongéra/ {Rwanda} 'If they repeat ...' (Kimenyi 2002:208) [cf: Rundi /ní boongéra/ recent]

072 relative affirmative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:144, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:202,207f; Cristini 2000:170, Rodegem 1967:50f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-Ø-∆-a {both}
/ukó uteekwá/ {both} '... how it is cooked.' (R18)
/hari ubwó ubwo buhaánga bukenérwa/ {both} 'Sometimes that skill is needed.' (R38.1)
/umwé mu bagaanga bakoréra muri iyo ntáará/ {both} (R20) 'One of the doctors who work in that region ...'
/kukó noonsá abáana nkazó/ {both} '... because I breastfeed my children as they do.' (R28.8)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-Ø-obj-∆-a {both}
/siinzí kw ábikuúnda/ {Rwanda} 'I don't know if he will like it.' (Overdulve 1975:293)
/kukó buri jaambo arisohóra/ {Rwanda} 'Because each word that he utters ...' (Bizimana 1998:31)
/kukó ndazikuúnda/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:170), /kukó nzikuúnda/ {Rwanda} (LN) '.... because I love them (the cows).'
/kó tubyuúmva néezá/ {Rwanda} '... that we understand it well.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:167)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	O2+L S-obj-obj-∆-a
/kó babimúkorera/ {both} '... that they are doing it for him.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:326, JN)
/kó babimwíiba/ {both} '... that they will steal them from him.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:326)

073 relative affirmative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:144; Cristini 2000:170, Rodegem 1967:50f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-Ø-∆-ye
/ahó yakavúgiye ntáraahéza/ {both} 'For all the time she has been talking, she is not done yet.' (Ntahokaja 1976:28)
/amakurú anyúranye/ {both} 'various news' (R8.1)
/ingéne watáanzwe/ {Rundi} '... how it was distributed.' (R35.4)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-obj-∆-ye
/ntaa báandi bagabo nguhaáye/ {Rwanda} 'I am not giving you any more witnesses.' (R28.9)
/bugiingo ayitegúuye iramucakira/ {Rundi} 'When he released it, it snatched him.' (R27.3)
/ico ní co kigitaánya n'íbiíndi/ {Rundi} 'That is the thing that differentiates it from others.' (Ntahokaja 1976:27)

074 relative negative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:145, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:203; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-ta-∆-a {both}
	P S-t-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/umubiri mwiizá utagirá ineenge/ {both} 'a good body that does not have deformity' (R36.4)
/niíbwiiraga kó níintaboná inkwí…/ {Rwanda} 'I assumed that if I do not find firewood… (R34.3)
/imaánza z'ábaantu batuumvíikana/ {Rwanda} '... disputes among people who have a misunderstanding' (R40.4) 
/ikiintu tudategéera/ {Rundi} 'The thing that we don't understand ...' (R33.1)
/ingwáara idateeyé isóni/ {Rundi} 'a disease that is not humiliating' (R31.4)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-ta-obj-∆-a {both}
/iyó ntakugirá riba ryáaraampúhuye/ {Rwanda} 'If I did not have you, he would have finished me off!' (R28.5)
/hari náahó utabashikíira/ {Rundi} 'It might not even reach them.' (R35.3)

075 relative negative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:145; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-ta-∆-ye {both}
	P S-t-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
/impanuka idasaanzwé/ {both} 'an unusual accident' (R8b, R16) 
/yakoze ibiintu bidakwiiyé/ {both}'He did inappropriate things.' (Jacob #2 1986:324)
/imvúgo itávaangávanga indími/ {both} 'a jargon that does not mix languages' (Bizimana 1998:3)
/ivyó mudasobáanukiwe mwoobibáza/ {Rundi} 'You should ask what you don't understand.' (R9)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-ta-obj-∆-ye {both}
/bataandeméetse/ {both} '... that they do not put a load on me.' (R19)

8.3.1.1. Subject Relative Immediate {Rwanda only}
This Kinyarwanda construction is limited to relative verbs that agree with the subject of the sentence and which have a vowel prefix. Consonant-initial prefixes in Rwanda follow the tonality and grammar of object relatives.

076 subject relative affirmative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:184–188, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:202f.
TONE PATTERN:
	1 V-∆-a [vowel prefixes on consonant roots only] {Rwanda only}
/umugabo ukóra/ {Rwanda} n1-sg-relsubj 'the man who works' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/umuuntu ubóna igití/ {Rwanda} n1-sg-relsubj 'the man who finds the tree' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:184)
/umwáana uryá/ {Rwanda} n1-sg-relsubj 'the child who eats' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185,289)
/ni jyeewé uvúga/ {Rwanda} n1-sg-relsubj 'I am the one speaking.' (Overdulve 1975:285)
/imibú itéera malaariyá/ {Rwanda} n2-pl-relsubj 'mosquitoes which cause malaria' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:184)
/amazína asóbaanurwa/ {Rwanda} n3-pl-relsubj 'nouns which are explained' (Bizimana 1998:153)
/amashuúri abáanza/ {Rwanda} n3-pl-relsubj 'primary school' [lit. 'schools that start'] (Bizimana 1998:393)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	1 V-obj-∆-a {Rwanda only}
/ní ukó inyáajwí ikábaanziriza/ {Rwanda} 'It is because the vowel that precedes it ...' (Bizimana 1998:111)

077 subject relative affirmative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185,268.
TONE PATTERN:
	1 V-∆-ye [vowel prefixes on consonant roots only] {Rwanda only}
/amagaambo asáangiye igicuúmbi/ {Rwanda} 'words that share a root' (Bizimana 1998:153)
/indwáara ikómeye/ [1rule] {Rwanda} 'a serious illness' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:268)

078 subject relative negative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+P V-ta-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+P V-da-∆-a [voiced consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+P V-t-∆-a [vowel verb] {Rwanda only}
/udásabá/ {Rwanda} 'one who does not ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/udákorána/ {Rwanda} 'one who does not work with (another)' (Overdulve 1975:311)
/udátemá/ {Rwanda} 'one who does not cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/utáandíka/ {Rwanda} 'the one who does not write' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:18)

079 subject relative negative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186; not in Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+P V-ta-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+P V-da-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+P V-t-∆-ye [vowel verb] {Rwanda only}
/udásabyé/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utáriiyé/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not eat' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utáandítse/ {Rwanda} 'the one who did not write' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/imirimo idákoméye/ {Rwanda} 'easy work [lit. 'that is not difficult'] (Overdulve 1975:217)

8.3.2. Relative Recent
In Kirundi, the relative recent functions as a conditional. When it follows the preprefix /ní/, it shows a hypothetical situation.
/ní nabafáta nzoobahana/ {Rundi} 'If I catch you, I will punish you.' (cf: Cristini 2000:170)
/ní nakirá néeza nzooza/ {Rundi} 'I will come if I recover completely.' (Cristini 2000:170)
/abashitsi ní baageendá nzoorukuuka/ {Rundi} 'When the visitors leave, I will rest.' (Cristini 2000:170)

080 relative affirmative recent imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:178f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:159; Cristini 2000:170, Rodegem 1967:50f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-a-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	P S-aa-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	P S-Ø-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	P S-a-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	P S-aa-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
	P S-Ø-∆-aga [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/abaantu twaakoránaga/ {Rwanda} 'people that we (recently) worked with' (cf: Overdulve 1975:310)
/igitabo nasomága/ {Rwanda} 'the book which I (recently) read' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:159)
/mwaandíka/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:197), /mwaandíkaga/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'what you (recently) wrote'
/imirimá baahiingága/ {Rwanda} 'the fields that they were cultivating (today)' (Overdulve 1975:178)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-a-obj-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	P2 S-aa-obj-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	P2 S-a-obj-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	P2 S-aa-obj-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
/ibyó twaabasabága ntimúbiduhe/ {Rwanda} 'You should not give us what we asked you for.' (Bizimana 1998:270)
/ní nabafatíisha, nzoobahaniisha/ {Rundi} 'If I have them caught, I will have them punished.' (JN, Cristini 2000:170)

081 relative affirmative recent perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:144, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:203; Cristini 2000:170, Rodegem 1967:50f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-a-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	P S-aa-∆-ye [strong] {both}
/iyó wateetsé inyama nyiínshi/ {both} 'If you cooked a lot of meat ...' (R18)
/inyáanyá watonóye/ {Rwanda} 'tomatoes that you peeled' (R18)
/baavuzé/ {both} '... that they spoke (recently).' (Cristini 2000:13)
/babiri mu baári báakoméretse/ 'Two among those who had been injured ...' (R16)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-a-obj-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	P2 S-aa-obj-∆-ye [strong] {both}
/harabúra n'uumwé yeeméra kó yagatwaáye/ {Rundi} 'There isn't a single person who admits that he took it away.' (R7)
/n'uuyu nyéne yampamágaye/ {Rundi} 'It is the same one that called me.' (Cristini 2000:128)

082 relative negative recent imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:178,311; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58
TONE PATTERNS:
	P S-ta-a-∆-aga {Rwanda}
	L S-ta-a-∆-a {Rundi}
/kó bataavuga, ntáco baaroonsé/ {Rundi} 'Because they didn't say anything, they didn't get anything.' (Cristini 2000:177)
/ní ntaabaasha/ {Rundi} 'If I cannot ...' (JN)
/yavuze kó mutaasabága/ {Rwanda} 'He said that you did not ask.' (Bizimana 1998:271)
/tutaakoránaga/ {Rwanda} '... that we were not working together' [habitually] (Overdulve 1975:311)
/imirimá bataahiingága/ {Rwanda} 'the fields that they were not cultivating (today)' (Overdulve 1975:178)

083 relative negative recent perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:145, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:203f; Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58
TONE PATTERNS:
	P S-ta-a-∆-ye {Rwanda}
	L S-ta-a-∆-ye {Rundi}
/umuuntu atuumviise/ {Rundi} 'a person who did not understand (recently)' (Cristini 2000:177, Rodegem 1967:58) [subject relative]
/umuuntu atuumvíise/ {Rwanda} 'a person whom he did not understand' (LN) [object relative]
/ibyó mutaariiyé mwaabitánga/ {Rwanda} 'You should give away what you didn't eat.' (Bizimana 1998:268)
/tutaakoránye/ {Rwanda} '... that we were not (recently) working together.' (Overdulve 1975:311)

8.3.2.1. Subject Relative Recent {Rwanda only}
This Kinyarwanda construction is limited to recent relative verbs that agree with a n1-sg subject of the sentence. The semivowel /w-/ is the prefix in the affirmative (where the Prule tonality is identical to that for object relatives), but /u-/ and 1rule tonality does appear in the negative.

084 subject relative affirmative recent imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185; not in Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-a-∆-aga {Rwanda only}
/wasabága/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)
/waandíkaga/{Rwanda} 'the one who recently wrote' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)

085 subject relative affirmative recent perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-a-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
/wasabyé/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)
/watemyé/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/waandítse/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently wrote' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)
/wiibyé/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently stole' (Bizimana 1998:290)

086 subject relative negative recent imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L V-ta-a-∆-aga {Rwanda only}
/utáasabaga/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently did not ask'(Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utáandikaga/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently did not write'(Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)

087 subject relative negative recent perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L V-ta-a-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
/utáatemye/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently did not cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/utáasabye/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently did not ask'(Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utíibye/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently did not steal' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/utáanditse/ {Rwanda} 'the one who recently did not write'(Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)

8.3.3. Relative Preterit
The overriding tone pattern for the relative preterit is on the second mora of the word. The presence or absence of an object will not matter as the tone will still fall on the second mora.

088 relative affirmative preterit imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:159; Cristini 2000:170, Rodegem 1967:50f.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+X S-a-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	2+X S-aá-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	2+X S-Ø-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	2+X S-a-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	2+X S-aá-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
	2+X S-Ø-∆-aga [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ntaabwo iyo gacaáca yakízaga ku maánza z'úwiíshe umuuntu/ {Rwanda} 'That Gacaca never settled a dispute over a person who killed another person.' (R40.5)
/nihó yatáangura gukóra/ {Rundi} 'That is when he started to work.' (R17.6)
/ntaabwo baáhamagaraga umugoré/ {Rwanda} 'They never summoned the wife.' (R40.4)
/ubwó zaa gaári ya moóshi ebyiri zaágoonganaga/ '... when two trains collided.' {Rwanda} (R8.2)
/ingéne Mwéezi yasá/ 'How Mwezi looked.' {Rundi} (R5)
/ní twó yatwáara/ {Rundi} 'It is what he took away.' (R25.3)
/inzu buúbakaga/ {Rwanda} 'the house which they (formerly) built' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:159)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	2+X S-a-obj-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	2+X S-aá-obj-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	2+X S-a-obj-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	2+X S-aá-obj-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
/insíguuro baáyaha/ {Rundi} 'the explanation that they were giving them' (29.5)

089 relative affirmative preterit perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:144, Bizimana 1998:290; Cristini 2000:170, Rodegem 1967:50f.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+X S-a-∆-ye [weak] {both}
	2+X S-aá-∆-ye [strong] {both}
	2+X S-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
/icó nabúze/ {Rundi} 'What I haven't had ...' (R19)
/twaákoranye/ {Rwanda} '... that we have worked together.' (Overdulve 1975:310)

090 relative negative preterit imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311; Cristini 2000:178, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L S-ta-á-∆-a {Rundi}
	A2+L S-ta-á-∆-aga {Rwanda}
/ibyó bataáryaga baábihaga imbwá/ {Rwanda} 'What they didn't eat they used to give to the dogs.' (Bizimana 1998:274)
/ntaa ndwi yahéra adáshooyémwó kimwé/ {Rundi} 'There wasn't a week that went by that he did not sell one of them.' (R25.2)
/imirimá bataáhiingaga/ {Rwanda} 'the fields that they were not cultivating (yesterday)' (Overdulve 1975:178)

091 relative negative preterit perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:145, Bizimana 1998:290; Cristini 2000:178, Rodegem 1967:58.
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L S-ta-á-∆-ye
/umuuntu atuúmviise/ {Rundi} 'a person who did not understand'(Cristini 2000:178, JN)
/kó batiíze/ {both} '... that they didn't go to school.' (R38.6)
/inká mutaáguze/ {both} '... cows that you did not buy.' (JN, LN)
/tutaákoranye/ {both} '... that we had not worked together.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:311)

8.3.3.1. Subject Relative Preterit {Rwanda only}
This exclusively Kinyarwanda construction is limited to preterit relative verbs that agree with a n1-sg subject of the sentence. The semivowel /w-/ is the prefix in the affirmative (where the overriding tone pattern is on the second mora of the word, 2rule, which is identical to that for object relatives), but /u-/ and an additional 1rule tonality does appear in the negative. The presence or absence of an object will not matter as the tone will still fall on the second mora.

092 subject relative affirmative preterit imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+L S-a-∆-aga [weak only] {Rwanda only}
/wasábaga/ {Rwanda} 'the one who formerly asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)
/waándikaga/ {Rwanda} 'the one who formerly wrote' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)

093 subject relative affirmative preterit perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+L S-a-∆-ye [weak only] {Rwanda only}
/wasábye/ {Rwanda} 'one who formerly asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)
/watémye/ {Rwanda} 'one who formerly cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/waánditse/ {Rwanda} 'one who formerly wrote' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)

094 subject relative negative preterit imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+2+L V-tá-á-∆-aga {Rwanda only}
	1+T V-t-áara-∆-aga [alt] {Rwanda only}
/utáásabaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utáarasábaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utáákoranaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not work with (another)' (Overdulve 1975:311)
/utáándikaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not write' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utáaráandikaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not write' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)

095 subject relative negative preterit perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+2+L V-tá-á-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
	1+T V-t-áara-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
/umutégarúgorí utáarasháatse kwíivuga izína/ {Rwanda} 'a woman who wanted to remain anonymous' (R22)
/utáásabye/ {Rwanda} 'one who had not asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utáákoranye/ {Rwanda} 'one who had not worked with (another)' (Overdulve 1975:311)
/utáátemye/ {Rwanda} 'one who had not cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/utáarasábye/ {Rwanda} 'one who had not asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utáaráanditse/ {Rwanda} 'one who had not written' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)

8.3.4. Relative Conditional
The conditional tense in Kinyarwanda and Kirundi when in the relative mood can create a polite command with the sense of please. Generally, however, it is a subordinate or dependent element expressing some eventuality (in the imperfective similar to English should) or an unrealized event (in the perfective similar to English would have). One of its primary functions is as the first part of if ... then statements; the relative conditional if clause is followed by an indicative conditional then clause (§8.1.4). It also serves in some highly idiomatic constructions, such as following the conjunctive /ahó/ with the meaning instead of.

096 relative affirmative conditional imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:205; Cristini 2000:170, Rodegem 1967:50f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-oo-∆-a {Rundi}
	P S-aa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/waacecéka/ {Rwanda} 'Would you please be quiet!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301) [polite command]
/ntaa rwo nooshobóra/ {Rundi} 'There is nothing that I can do about it.' (R27.5)
/kó bootabáara/ {Rundi} (JN), /kó baatabáara/ {Rwanda} (Kimenyi 2002:205) '... that they would defend.'
/baakorá baahéembwa/ {Rwanda} 'If they worked, they would be paid.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301)
/baríifuuza kó haakorérwa ubushaakashaatsi/ {Rwanda} 'They wish that research would be done there.' (R22)
/baacaaná, umwíijimá ugahuunga/ {Rwanda} 'If people build a fire, darkness runs away.' (R28.12)
/icó umuuntu yooshiimá muri ico gihúgu/ {Rundi} 'What one should praise about that country ...' (R29.9)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-oo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	P2 S-aa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/baansabá ibisóbaanuro/ {Rwanda} 'If they ask me for an explanation ...' (R32)
/shaaka ukuúndi waabikorá/ {Rwanda} 'Find another way to do it.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294)
/ntaa kuúndi afité yaabigeénza/ {Rwanda} 'He has no other way to do it.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294)
/barashaaka ahó baamuhaámba/ {Rwanda} 'They are looking for a place to bury him.' [lit. 'where they might bury him'] (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294)
/kó yoorimenyéesha ibicíiro aguríishakó/ {Rundi} '... that they should inform it about their sale price.' (R9)

097 relative affirmative conditional perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:246,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301; Cristini 2000:170, Rodegem 1967:50f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-oo-∆-ye {Rundi}
	P S-aa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/ahó yoovuzé ati/ {Rundi} (R11), /ahó yaavuzé ati/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'Instead of saying …'
/ahó yootabáaje/ {Rundi} (R27.3), /ahó yaatabáaje/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'Instead of calling for help ...'
/twaagizé inká miroongw iné/ {Rwanda} 'If we sold forty cows ...' (Overdulve 1975:246)
/baakozé baahéembwe/ {Rwanda} 'If they worked, they would be paid.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301)

098 relative negative conditional imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Bizimana 1998:290; Cristini 2000:178, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-t-oo-∆-a {Rundi}
	P S-t-aa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/ivyó batoomenya/{Rundi} 'What they could not possibly know ...' (Cristini 2000:178, Rodegem 1967:59)
/ibyó utaakenéra waabiguriisha/ {Rwanda} 'What you might not need you should sell.' (Bizimana 1998:268)
/tutaagirá ináama/ {Rwanda} 'If we do not hold a meeting ...' (Overdulve 1975:242)
/tutaakorána/ {Rwanda} '... that we would not work together.' (Overdulve 1975:311)

099 relative negative conditional perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311; No examples in Cristini 2000:178, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-t-aa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/ibyó mutaariiyé mwaabitáanga/ {Rwanda} 'What you might not eat, you should give away.' (Bizimana 1998:268)
/tutaakoránye/ {Rwanda} '... that we would not have worked together.' (Overdulve 1975:311)

8.3.4.1. Subject Relative Conditional {Rwanda only}
This Kinyarwanda construction is limited to conditional verbs that agree with a n1-sg subject of the sentence. The semivowel /w-/ (rather than /y–/) is the prefix in the affirmative (where the Prule tonality is identical to that for object relatives), but /u–/ and 1rule tonality (with the loss or root tonality) appears in the negative. Nouns of all other classes are treated the same as object relatives.

100 subject relative affirmative conditional imperfective
See: Coupez 1980:449 #21, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294, Bizimana 1998:290; disallowed in Overdulve 1975:310.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-aa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	P S-aa+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/nii ndé waavugá kó arí mu Rwaanda hóonyiné bavugá ikinyarwaanda/ {Rwanda} 'Who would say that it is in Rwanda alone that they speak Kinyarwanda?' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:294)
/waatemá/ {Rwanda} 'one who would cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/waarasáaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who would incise' (Coupez 1980:449 #21)
/waasogóota/ {Rwanda} 'one who would stab' (Coupez 1980:449 #21)
/waakwiibá/ {Rwanda} 'one who would steal' (Bizimana 1998:290)

101 subject relative affirmative conditional perfective
See: Coupez 1980:449 #22; not exemplified in Overdulve & Jacob 1998 or Bizimana 1998; disallowed in Overdulve 1975:310.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-aa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
	P S-aa+kw-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/waarasáaze/ {Rwanda} 'one who could incise' (Coupez 1980:449 #22)
/waasogóose/ {Rwanda} 'one who could stab' (Coupez 1980:449 #22)

102 subject relative negative conditional imperfective
See: Coupez 1980:449 #39, Overdulve 1975:311, Bizimana 1998:290; not exemplified in Overdulve & Jacob 1998.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+X V-t-áa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	1+X V-t-áa+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/utáatema/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/utáakorana/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not work with (another)' (Overdulve 1975:311)
/utáarasaaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not incise' (Coupez 1980:449 #39)
/utáasogoota/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not stab' (Coupez 1980:449 #39)
/utáakwiiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not steal' (Bizimana 1998:290)

103 subject relative negative conditional perfective
See: Coupez 1980:449 #40, Overdulve 1975:311, not exemplified in Overdulve & Jacob 1998 or Bizimana 1998.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+X V-t-áa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
	1+X V-t-áa+kw-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/utáakoranye/ {Rwanda} 'one who could not work with (another)' (Overdulve 1975:311)
/utáarasaaze/ {Rwanda} 'one who could not incise' (Coupez 1980:449 #40)
/utáasogoose/ {Rwanda} 'one who could not stab' (Coupez 1980:449 #40)

8.3.5. Relative Future
This is the indefinite future tense of relative clauses. In Kinyarwanda, these verbs may follow the conjunction ní 'if' to express a realis future conditional (Kimenyi 2002:178).

104 relative affirmative future
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:144, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:176f; Cristini 2000:171, Rodegem 1967:50.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+T S-zóo-∆-a {Rundi}
	F+A2 S-zóo-kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	F+R S-záa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	F+X S-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/tukaba twíizeeye kó ivyo bigwaniisho bizóosáambuurwa/ {Rundi} '... and we hope that those weapons will be destroyed.' (R37.5, JN)
/amagaambo azáavúga/ {Rwanda} 'the words which he will say' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:144)
/bazáaríriimba/ {Rwanda} '(that) they will sing' (Kimenyi 2002:176)
/níbazáaríriimba/ {Rwanda} 'if they will sing' (Kimenyi 2002:178)
/bazóogosha/ {Rwanda} '(that) they will shave' (Kimenyi 2002:177)
/níbazóogosha/ {Rwanda} 'if they will shave' (Kimenyi 2002:178)
/ni je nzóobáriira/ {Rundi} 'It is I who will sew.' (Cristini 2000:171)
/muzóokwaándika/ {Rundi} (JN, Cristini 2000:198), /muzáandika/ (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:144) 'which you will write'

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	F+T S-zóo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	F+O S-záa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/avuga kó azóobakényerera akabagwaanya/ {Rundi} (R29.7, JN), /avuga kó azáabáhagurukira akabarwaanya/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'He says that he will make every effort to combat them.'
/azáabávugira/ {Rwanda} 'which he will say on their behalf' (LN)

105 relative negative future
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:145, Bizimana 1998:290; Cristini 2000:178, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+T S-ta-zóo-∆-a {Rundi}
	F+T S-ta-zóo-kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	F+R S-ta-záa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	F+R S-ta-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/kó tutazóobáriira, tuzoorima/ {Rundi} 'Given that we won't sew, we will plow.' (Cristini 2000:178)
/tutazáakórana/ {Rwanda} '... that we won't work together.' (Overdulve 1975:311)

8.3.5.1. Subject Relative Future {Rwanda only}
This exclusively Kinyarwanda construction is limited to future verbs that agree with a n1-sg subject of the sentence. Since the prefix /-záa-/ starts with a consonant, the prefix is /u-/ in both the affirmative and the negative. Nouns of all other classes are treated the same as object relatives.

106 subject relative affirmative future
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R V-záa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	F+X V-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/uzáatéma/ {Rwanda} 'one who will cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/uzáaryá/ {Rwanda} 'one who will eat' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)
/uzáasaba/ {Rwanda} 'one who will ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)
/uzáandika/ {Rwanda} 'one who will write' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:185)
/uzíiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who will steal' (Bizimana 1998:290)

107 subject relative negative future
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+F+R V-tá-záa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	1+T V-tá-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/utázáasaba/ {Rwanda} 'one who will not ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utázáatéma/ {Rwanda} 'one who will not cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/utázáaryá/ {Rwanda} 'one who will not eat' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utázáandika/ {Rwanda} 'one who will not write' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:186)
/utázíiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who will not steal' (Bizimana 1998:290)

8.3.6. Relative Conditional Future {Rwanda only}
This tense and affix combination is only found in Kinyarwanda and refers to a conditional action at least one day in the future. Like the indicative and unlike the participial, it is conjugated in both the imperfective and perfective.

108 relative affirmative conditional future imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:277,290, Kimenyi 2002:178, Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-aa-záa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	F+X S-aa-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/nóone waazáatwáara iby'ábaándi/ {Rwanda} 'What if you would take other people's things?' (Bizimana 1998:277)
/umurimá twaazáahíinga/ {Rwanda} 'the field which we would cultivate' (Overdulve 1975:241, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300)
/twaazáakóra néezá twaazaatsiinda/ {Rwanda} 'If we were to work well, we would succeed.' (Overdulve 1975:242, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301)
/baazáatabaara/ {Rwanda} '(that) they would defend' (Kimenyi 2002:178)
/baazóongera/ {Rwanda} 'what they would repeat' (Kimenyi 2002:178)

109 relative affirmative conditional future perfective
See: Bizimana 1998:277; not in Overdulve 1975:310 nor Overdulve & Jacob 1998.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-aa-záa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
	F+X S-aa-z-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/nk'uúbwo waazáahíinze ukarora kó udakirá/ {Rwanda} 'How about you cultivate and then you’ll see if you won’t be rich?' (Bizimana 1998:277)

110 relative negative conditional future imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:278,290, Overdulve 1975:311; not Overdulve & Jacob 1998.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-t-aa-záa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
/tutaazáakórana/ {Rwanda} '... (that) we would not be working together.' (Overdulve 1975:311)
/inyama ntaazáatéeka zaaba iziíhe?/ {Rwanda} 'Which is the meat that I should not cook?' (Bizimana 1998:278)

111 relative negative conditional future perfective
See: Bizimana 1998:278; not in Overdulve 1975:311 nor Overdulve & Jacob 1998.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-t-aa-záa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
/inyama ntaazáaguze zaaba izíhe?/ {Rwanda} 'Which is that meat that I should not buy?' (Bizimana 1998:278)

8.3.6.1. Subject Relative Conditional Future {Rwanda only}
This exclusively Kinyarwanda construction is limited to conditional future verbs that agree with a n1-sg subject. The semivowel /w–/ (rather than /y–/) is the prefix in the affirmative (where the tonality is identical to that for object relatives), but /u–/ and 1rule tonality (with the loss of root tonality) appears in the negative. Nouns of all other classes are treated the same as object relatives.

112 subject relative affirmative conditional future imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:290, Coupez 1980:451 #131; not in Overdulve 1975:310.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-aa-záa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
/waazáatéma/ {Rwanda} 'one who would cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/waazáasogoota/ {Rwanda} 'one who would stab' (Coupez 1980:451 #131)
/waazáarásaaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who would incise' (Coupez 1980:451 #131)
/umwáana waazáakúbita uwuúndi/ {Rwanda} 'the child who would hit another child' (LN)

113 subject relative affirmative conditional future perfective
See: Coupez 1980:451 #132; not in Overdulve 1975:310 nor Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-aa-záa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
/umwáana waazáakúbise uwuúndi/ {Rwanda} 'a child who could hit another child' (LN)
/waazáasogoose/ {Rwanda} 'one who could stab' (Coupez 1980:451 #132)
/waazáarásaaze/ {Rwanda} 'one who could incise' (Coupez 1980:451 #132)

114 subject relative negative conditional future imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:290, Coupez 1980:451 #139; not in Overdulve 1975:311.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+X V-t-áa-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	1+X V-t-áa-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/utáazaatema/ {Rwanda} 'that he should not cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/utáazaasogoota/ {Rwanda} 'that he should not stab' (Coupez 1980:451 #139)
/utáazaarasaaga/ {Rwanda} 'that he should not incise' (Coupez 1980:451 #139)
/umwáana utáazaakubita uwuúndi/ 'the child who would not hit another child' (LN)
/utáaziiba/ {Rwanda} 'that he should not steal' (Bizimana 1998:290)

115 subject relative negative conditional future perfective
Not in Overdulve 1975:311, Bizimana 1998, nor Coupez 1980.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+X V-t-áa-zaa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
/umwáana utáazaakubise uwuúndi/ {Rwanda} 'the child who could not have hit another child' (LN)

8.3.7. Relative Persistive
This is the persistive tense of relative clauses. In the affirmative it has the sense of still and is tonally marked by the Prule; while in the negative it has the sense of no longer, not ... anymore and is marked by loss of tonality, Lrule.

116 relative affirmative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:190,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:204; Cristini 2000:171, Rodegem 1967:50.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	P S-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	P S-c-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	P S-cy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ntaa muuntu ngikuundá/ {both} 'I don't like anybody anymore.' (Bizimana 1998:263)
/tugikorána/ {both} '... that we still work together.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:310)
/bakiriríimba/ {both} 'who still sing' (Kimenyi 2002:204)
/bacyoogósha/ {Rwanda} 'who still shave' (Kimenyi 2002:204), /bacoogósha/ {Rundi}
/bacyiibá/ {Rwanda} 'who still steal' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/mucaandíka/ {Rundi} '... that you still write.' (Cristini 2000:197)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-ki-obj-∆-a
/kó bakibigeénza/ {both} '... that they still do it.' (Cristini 2000:171, Rodegem 1967:50)
/ahó tukizibaríira/ {both} '... while we are still sewing them (the dresses). ' (Cristini 2000:171)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	O2+L S-ki-obj-obj-∆-a {both}
/ahó tukizimúbariirira/ {both} '... while we are still sewing them (the dresses) for her.' (Cristini 2000:171)

117 relative affirmative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220; no examples in Cristini 2000:171, Rodegem 1967:50.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-ki-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {both}
	P S-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {both}
	P S-c-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rundi}
	P S-cy-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ntaabwo akijé kubéera akazi keénshi/ {Rwanda} 'He is not coming anymore because he has too much work.'
/ntaa mwaavu wúundi ukibonétse/ {Rundi} 'There is no other kind of fertilizer that is still available.' (R35.5)
/tugikoránye/ {both} '... that we are still working together.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:310)

118 relative negative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:184,198; Cristini 2000:178, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-ta-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	L S-ta-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	L S-ta-c-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	L S-ta-cy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ni twe tutakikubuura/ {Rundi} 'It is us who don't sweep anymore.'
/tutagikorana/ {both} '... that we no longer work together.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:311)
/atagikina/ {both} '... that he doesn't play anymore.' (JN, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:22)
/ntacaandika/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:197), /ntacyaandika/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222) '... that I do not write anymore.'

119 relative negative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222.
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-ta-gi-∆-ye
/tutagikoranye/ {both} '... that we are no longer working together.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:311)
/batagiteetse/ {both} '... who are not cooking anymore.' (JN, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222)

8.3.7.1. Subject Relative Persistive {Rwanda only}
This exclusively Kinyarwanda construction is limited to persistive verbs that agree with a n1-sg subject of the sentence. Since the prefixes /-ki-/, /-gi-/ or /-cy-/ start with a consonant, the relative prefix is /u-/ in both the affirmative and the negative. Nouns of all other classes are treated the same as object relatives.

120 subject relative affirmative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:204.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L V-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+L V-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+L V-cy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/ukíririimba/ {Rwanda} 'who still sings' (Kimenyi 2002:204)
/ugíkorana/ {Rwanda} 'who is still working with' [habitual] (Overdulve 1975:310)
/ugíkina/ {Rwanda} 'who is still playing' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220)
/ucyóongera/ {Rwanda} 'who does again' (Kimenyi 2002:204)

121 subject relative affirmative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L V-ki-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+L V-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+L V-cy-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/ugíkoranye/ {Rwanda} 'who is still working with' [current] (Overdulve 1975:310)
/ukírwaaye/ {Rwanda} 'who is still sick' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:220)

122 subject relative negative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L V-ta-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+L V-ta-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+L V-ta-cy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/utágikorana naátwe/ {Rwanda} 'who is no longer working with us' (LN; cf: Overdulve 1975:311)
/utágikina/ {Rwanda} 'who does not play anymore' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222)
/utákirya/ {Rwanda} 'who no longer eats' [habitual] (LN)
/utácyaandika/ {Rwanda} 'who doesn't write anymore' [habitual] (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222)

123 subject relative negative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:222.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L V-ta-ki-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+L V-ta-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda only}
	1+L V-ta-cy-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/utágikoranye naátwe/ {Rwanda} 'who is no longer working with us' (LN; cf: Overdulve 1975:311)
/utágikinnye/ {Rwanda} 'who is no longer playing' (LN)
/utákiriiye/ {Rwanda} 'who is no longer eating' [now] (LN)
/utácyaanditse/ {Rwanda} 'who is no longer writing' [now] (LN)

8.3.8. Relative Inceptive or Punctual
A purely affirmative form exists in Rundi. When a negative or an interrogative heads the clause, the equivalent of an affirmative form also appears in Rwanda.

124 relative affirmative inceptive/punctual
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:226, Bizimana 1998:290; Cristini 2000:171,184, Rodegem 1967:50; not in Overdulve 1975:310.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-ráa-∆-a {both}
/ntaa bitooke aráatéera/ {Rundi} 'He still has not planted bananas.' (Cristini 2000:171, Rodegem 1967:50)
/ntaabwo uráabwíirwa kuúntamika/ {both} '... yet never are you told to give me a mouthful.' (R36.5, JN)
/ntaa majyaambere uráabóna?/ {both} 'Didn't you see Majyambere yet?' (JN, Bizimana 1998:265)
/ntaa cyo ndáabóna/ {Rwanda} 'I haven't seen anything yet'. (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:226)
/hari uumurimo aráakóra?/ {Rwanda} 'Has he done any chores yet?' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:226)

125 relative negative inceptive/punctual
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224, Bizimana 1998:290, Kimenyi 2002:180; Cristini 2000:178, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-ta-ráa-∆-a {both}
	F+X S-ta-r’-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/ingoórane zihagaze ku bavyéeyi bataráajíijuuka/ {Rundi} 'Difficulties are based upon parents who do not yet have an open mind.' (R39.4)
/uwó ntaráatóonganya agira ngo ngwa néezá/ {Rwanda} 'The one that I did not rebuke yet thinks that I am a nice person.' (Bizimana 1998:265)
/ntaráandika/ {both} '... that I did not yet write.' (Cristini 2000:198, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224)
/bataróogosha/ {Rwanda} '... that they have not shaved yet.' (Kimenyi 2002:180)
/bataróongera/ {Rwanda} '... that they have not done yet.' (Kimenyi 2002:180)
/tutaráakórana/ {both} '... that we have not yet worked together.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:311)

8.3.8.1. Subject Relative Inceptive {Rwanda only}
Although subject relative constructions only occur in Kinyarwanda when the construction is in the negative, if a negative heads the clause, the equivalent of an affirmative will appear.

126 subject relative affirmative inceptive
Bizimana 1998:290; not in Overdulve 1975:310 nor Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R V-ráa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	F+R V-r-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/ntaa mwáarimú uráaza/ {Rwanda} 'No teacher has come yet.'
/ntaa muuntu uráasoonza/ {Rwanda} 'No one is hungry yet.'
/ntaa munyéeshuúri uráandika gútya/ {Rwanda} 'There is no student who has written like this yet.'

127 subject relative negative inceptive
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224, Bizimana 1998:290.
TONE PATTERN
	1+F+R V-tá-ráa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	1+F+R V-tá-r-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/utáráatéma/ {Rwanda} 'he who has not yet cut' (Bizimana 1998:290)
/utáráasoonza/ {Rwanda} 'he who is not yet hungry' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224)
/utáráandika/ {Rwanda} 'he who has not yet written' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:224)

8.4. Autonome
The autonome is the mood that changes a fully inflected verb into a noun. It is used in all tenses to designate the one who verbs or those who verb (with appropriate tense changes, e.g., who verbed, who will verb, etc.). The primary tonality of the autonome is the Arule (high tone on the first vowel after the prefix). Neither dialect distinguishes conjoint from disjoint in this mood.

8.4.1. Autonome Immediate
The highest frequency use of the autonome is in the immediate tense, referring to habitual actions or permanent states, the present, the immediate past, the immediate future, or the narrative.

128 autonome affirmative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:231f, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:193f,201f; Cristini 2000:171f, Rodegem 1967:52f.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-∆-a {both}
	A2+L cl-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
	U+X uú-∆-a {both} n1-sg special prefix – the single vowel becomes double
/ahiítwa inoseenti hó mu butaliyaáni/ {both} 'a place called Innocenti in Italy' (R6)
/abanywá kanyaanga/ {both} 'those who drink Kanyanga (moonshine)' (R24.5)
/uúsaba ntíyiihúta/ {Rwanda} 'The one who asks for something does not hurry up.' (Bizimana 1998:172)
/ubutáaha/ {both} 'next time' (JN, Bizimana 1998:233, Kimenyi 2002:7)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-obj-∆-a {both}
	A+X cl-obj-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/uwubáanka ntaákaraambe!/ {Rundi} 'May anyone who hates you not live a long life!' (Cristini 2000:203f)
/ababípfa ní ababísaangira/ {both} 'Those who quarrel over them are the ones who share them.' (JN, Bizimana 1998:330)
/bitaama ntiyarí agíca ahabóna/ {both} 'Bitama dropped out of sight.' [lit. 'He was not passing anymore through a visible area there.'] (R25.3)
/ntihazóobúra uwuhávunikira/ {Rundi} 'Someone is quite likely to get hurt there.' (R23)
/abayínywa/ {both} 'the ones who drink it' (R24.4)
/harihó abayíroonka bagaca báyinyegeza/ {Rundi} 'There are those who get it and hide it right away.' (R33.6)

129 autonome affirmative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289; Cristini 2000:172, Rodegem 1967:52f.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-∆-ye {both}
	A2+L cl-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
	U+X uú-∆-ye {both} n1-sg special prefix
/uúhagarikiwe n'íngwe aravooma/ {both} 'He who is protected by a leopard fetches water.' (Cristini 2000:172, Rodegem 1967:52)
/gisaabo yaámbaye ibisáanzwe/ {both} 'Gisabo wore casual attire.' (R5)
/urasa n'úúrwaaye/ {Rwanda} 'You look like someone who is sick.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:290)

+ one object
/daatá azáaguhé urugúkwiiye/ {Rwanda} 'May my father give you the love you deserve.' (R36.10)
/ikinéezereje nuukó nsaanzé dúhuuje/ {both} 'What makes me happy is that I see we agree.' (R1, JN)

130 autonome negative immediate imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:231f, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+P cl-tá-∆-a {both}
	A+P cl-t-∆-a [vowel verb] {both}
	U+P uú-ta-∆-a {both, mainly Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
	U+P uú-t-∆-a [vowel verb] {both, mainly Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
/ntaa kitágirá akamaro ndemá/ {both} 'Nothing I create is unimportant.' (R28.10)
/abadáshobóra kuroonka amafaraanga/ {Rundi} 'the ones who cannot obtain the money' (R35.2)
/asiinziriye ibidáshirá/ {both} 'He sleeps too much.' (Bizimana 1998:331)
/abatáandíka/ {both} 'those who do not write' (Cristini 2000:199, Overdulve 1975:232)
/uúteeméra/ {both} 'one who does not believe' (Cristini 2000:180, LN)

131 autonome negative immediate perfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+P cl-tá-∆-ye {both}
	A+P cl-t-∆-ye [vowel verb] {both}
	U+P uú-ta-∆-ye {both, mainly Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
	U+P uú-t-∆-ye [vowel verb] {both, mainly Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
/ahatáahiiye/ {both} 'the places that did not burn' (Cristini 2000:180)
/uwutákubúuye n'úmunebwe/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:180), /uútakubúuye n'úmunebwe/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'One who does not sweep is lazy.'
/uwudáfisé/ {Rundi} 'one who does not have' (R33.4)
/abadásabyé/ {Rwanda} 'those who do not ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/ibitíihúuse imáana irabihuuta/ {Rwanda} 'Those which aren't rushed God pushes along.' [proverb] (Bizimana 1998:211)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	A+P2 cl-tá-∆-ye {both}
/hari ahó bishiká kó biizéera uwutábishobóye/ {Rundi} (R11), /...uútabishobóye/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'It can happen that people rely upon someone who is not up to it.'
/abatábikúunze/ {both} 'those who do not like them' (LN)

8.4.2. Autonome Recent
The tense marker is short /a/ in weak inflections (those that start with a semivowel) and long /aa/ in strong inflections (those that start with a consonant); it is lost with vowel initial verbs. Note that while Kirundi has the simple imperfective suffix –a, Kinyarwanda has –aga. This construction refers to an action that has been completed on the same day of speaking about it. It can also refer to a habitual event in the recent past. Note that the number of objects does not affect the tone pattern: the one and only high tone falls on the second mora after the prefix in the affirmative (A2rule) and immediately after the prefix (Arule) in the negative.

132 autonome affirmative recent imperfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:193; Cristini 2000:172,195, Rodegem 1967:52f.
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-∆-a [weak] {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-aa-∆-a [strong] {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-Ø-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-a-∆-aga [weak] {Rwanda}
	A2+L cl-aa-∆-aga [strong] {Rwanda}
	A2+L cl-Ø-∆-aga [vowel root] {Rwanda}
	Note: the n1-sg special prefix uú- becomes uw- before the recent marker and follows the A2 tone rule.
/abaábariira baaroonse agahéembo/ {Rundi} 'Those who have sewn received a small wage.' (Cristini 2000:172)
/abaávuga/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:195), /abaávugaga/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'the ones who spoke (recently)'
/uwasábaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who just asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/abaásabaga/ {Rwanda} 'those who just asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uwaándika/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:199), /uwaándikaga/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'one who just wrote'
/abuúbaka/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:199), /abuúbakaga/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'those who just built'

133 autonome affirmative recent perfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:194; Cristini 2000:172, Rodegem 1967:52f.
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-∆-ye {both}
	A2+X cl-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root] {both}
	Note: the n1-sg special prefix uú- becomes uw- before the recent marker and follows the A2 tone rule.
/uwasávye/ {Rundi} (JN), /uwasábye/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289) 'one who recently asked'
/uwiívye/ {Rundi} (JN), /uwiíbye/ {Rwanda} (Bizimana 1998:291) 'one who was stealing (recently)'
/abiívye/ {Rundi} (JN), /abiíbye/ {Rwanda} (Bizimana 1998:291) 'the ones who were stealing (recently)'
/abaákubuuye baari abakoóbwa/ {both} 'The ones who swept were girls.' (Cristini 2000:172, JN, LN)
«nta cyizere ko n'abakomeretse bashobora kuzakira» {Rwanda} 'There is no hope that even the ones who were injured might survive.' (R8.2)
«nta bwo yakizaga ku manza z'uwishe umuntu» {Rwanda} 'It never settled a dispute over someone who killed another person.' (R40.5)
/abaátabaaye/ {both} 'those who defended' (Kimenyi 2002:194)
/aboógoshe/ {both} 'those who shaved' (Kimenyi 2002:194)
/aboóngeye/ {both} 'those who did again' (Kimenyi 2002:194)

+ three objects
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-obj-obj-obj-∆-ye {both}
/hari uwahámuundaangiye/ {both} 'Somebody showed him to me there.' (Ntahokaja 1994:116)

134 autonome negative recent imperfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-tá-a-∆-a {Rundi}
	A+L cl-tá-a-∆-a-ga {Rwanda}
	U+L uú-ta-a-∆-a-ga n1-sg special prefix {mainly Rwanda}
/uwutáakubuura yar' ikigáabá/ {Rundi} 'The one who did not sweep was disobedient.' (Cristini 2000:180)
/uútaasabaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not ask (recently)' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/abatáasabaga/ {Rwanda} 'the ones who have not asked (recently)' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)

135 autonome negative recent perfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:195; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-tá-a-∆-ye {both}
	U+L uú-ta-a-∆-ye n1-sg special prefix {Rwanda}
/uútaasabye/ {Rwanda} 'one who has not asked (recently)' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uútaatemye/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not cut (recently)' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/uútiibye/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not steal (recently)' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abatáasavye/ {Rundi} (JN), /abatáasabye/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289) 'those who have not asked (recently)'
/abatáatemye/ {both} 'those who did not cut (recently)' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/ahatáahiiye/ {both} 'a place that did not burn' (Rodegem 1967:59)

8.4.3. Autonome Preterit
The tonality of the autonome affirmative preterit forms winds up in most instances to be identical to that of the autonome recent.

136 autonome affirmative preterit imperfective
There is no distinction between recent and preterit forms in the affirmative.
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291; Cristini 2000:172, Rodegem 1967:52f.
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-∆-a {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-a-∆-aga {Rwanda}
	Note: the n1-sg special prefix uú- becomes uw- before the recent marker and follows the A2 tone rule.
/abaábariira baaroonse agahéembo/ {Rundi} 'Those who had sewn received a small wage.' (Cristini 2000:172)
/uwasábaga/ {Rwanda} 'he who asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/abaásabaga/ {Rwanda} 'they who asked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-a-obj-∆-aga {Rwanda}
/wiigaanzuuye uwakúgaanza/ {Rundi} (R21.3), /wiigaanzuuye uwakúgaanzaga/ {Rwanda} 'You overcame the one who had dominated you.'

137 autonome affirmative preterit perfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Kimenyi 2002:195; Cristini 2000:172, Rodegem 1967:52f.
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-∆-ye {both}
/guhéembeera uwazímye/ {both} 'to try to smooth out a desperate situation' (JN, Jacob #1 1984:481)
/umwáana avuutsé kurí umwé mu baároongoranye/ {Rundi} 'a child who was born to only one of the married couple' (R13)
«hari iryakomotse ku kirwa cyitwa Tobago» {Rwanda} 'There was the kind that originated on an island called Tobago.' (R26.1)
/sinaménye ibyaákurikiyehó/ {Rwanda} 'I did not realize what happened next.' (R34.4)
/abaáshaakanye/ {Rwanda} 'those who got married' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:290)
/akaáje karéemerwa/ {Rwanda} 'What has come about must be accepted.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:345)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-obj-∆-ye {both}
	Note: the n1-sg special prefix uú- becomes uw- before the preterit marker
/icaákuriiye ntúkigéra inkoni/ {Rundi} 'You do not threaten with a stick that which has bitten you.' [proverb] (Rodegem 1967:52)
/igihúuza umwáana n'ábaámuvyaaye/ {Rundi} '... that which unites the child with those who gave him birth.' (R13)
/sinzáanga uwankúunze/ {Rwanda} 'I will not hate the one who loved me.' (Bizimana 1998:257)
/n'úwaáguhaanze aguhoré haáfi/ {Rwanda} '... and may your creator always be close to you.' (R36.10)
/ntaa waánka uwamúhaaye/ {Rundi} 'No one hates his benefactor.' [lit. 'There is no one who hates the one who gave him.']

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-obj-∆-ye [weak]
/uwakúumpaaye/ {both} 'he who gave you to me' (Cristini 2000:156)

138 autonome negative preterit imperfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+A2+L cl-tá-á-∆-a {Rundi}
	A+A2+L cl-tá-á-∆-a-ga {Rwanda}
	U+A2+L cl-ta-á-∆-a-ga n1-sg special prefix {Rwanda}
/uwutáákubuura yarágiiye mw'iisóko/ {Rundi} 'The one who did not sweep went to the marketplace.' (Cristini 2000:180)
/uútaásabaga/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not ask (formerly)' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/abatáásabaga/ {Rwanda} 'the ones who did not ask (formerly)' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)

139 autonome negative preterit perfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Kimenyi 2002:195; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+A2+L cl-tá-á-∆-ye
	A+A2+L cl-t-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root]
	U+A2+L uú-ta-á-∆-ye {both} n1-sg special prefix
	U+A2+L uú-t-Ø-∆-ye [vowel root] {both} n1-sg special prefix
/umwáana yavyáawe n'ábatáároongoranye/ {Rundi} 'a child born to unmarried people' (R13)
/uútaávyaaye ntátumágiza/ {Rundi} 'One who has not been a parent cannot easily get help.' [lit. 'cannot continually give orders' – proverb] (Cristini 2000:180)
/uútaásabye/ {Rwanda} 'one who has not asked (formerly)' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uútiíbye/ {Rwanda} 'one who did not steal (formerly)' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abatáásabye/ {Rwanda} 'those who have not asked (formerly)' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/abatííbye/ {Rwanda} 'those who did not steal (formerly)' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abatóógoshe/ {Rwanda} 'those who did not shave' (Kimenyi 2002:195)
/abatóóngeye/ {Rwanda} 'those who did not shave' (Kimenyi 2002:195)

8.4.4. Autonome Conditional
The conditional tense in Kinyarwanda and Kirundi when in the autonome creates a nominal expressing some eventuality or actual possibility realizable on the same day of speaking (in the imperfective similar to English one who would) or an unrealized event or an unfulfilled possibility (in the perfective similar to English one who would have).

140 autonome affirmative conditional imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:244,246, Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:196; Cristini 2000:172,199, Rodegem 1967:52.
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-oó-∆-a {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-oó+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-aá-∆-a {Rwanda}
	A2+L cl-aá+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
	Note: the n1-sg special prefix uú- becomes uw- before the conditional marker.
/icó nabúze ni uwoóva haasí ngo ambuúranire/ {Rundi} 'What I've never had is anyone to stand up for me and take my side.' (R19)
/uwoóbariira náagiré gúrtyo/ {Rundi} 'He who would sew should do it that way.' (Cristini 2000:172, JN)
/uwaáshiimuuta inká/ {Rwanda} 'one who would steal cows' (Overdulve 1975:244,246)
/uwaákwiiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who would steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/aboókwuubaka {Rundi} 'those who would build' (Cristini 2000:199)
/abaákwoogosha/ {Rwanda} 'those who would shave' (Kimenyi 2002:196)
/abaákwoongera/ {Rwanda} 'those who would do again' (Kimenyi 2002:196)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-oó-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-aá-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
	Note: the n1-sg special prefix uú- becomes uw- before the conditional marker.
/ngo tugeendé tureebé icyaátumara impaká/ {Rwanda} 'Come, let's go find some way to settle our dispute.' (R28.2)
/uwaámpa ijaambo muu náama/ {Rwanda} 'If someone would let me speak at a meeting ...' (R32)
/icoómpa ntaázoozé/ {Rundi} 'I wish [lit. 'It would give me'] he would not come!' (Cristini 2000:282)

141 autonome affirmative conditional perfective
See: Overdulve 1975:245
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-aá-∆-ye {Rwanda}
	Note: the n1-sg special prefix uú- becomes uw- before the conditional marker.
/uwaáshiimuuse inká/ {Rwanda} 'the one who would have stolen cows' (Overdulve 1975:245)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-oó-obj-obj-∆-ye {Rundi}
	A2+L cl-aá-obj-obj-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/uwoózitubariiriye/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:172), /uwaázitubariiriye/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'one who could sew it for us'

142 autonome negative conditional imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:196; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-t-oo-∆-a {Rundi}
	A+L cl-t-aa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	U+L uú-t-aa-∆-a {Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
	U+L uú-t-aa+kw-∆-a [vowel root] n1-sg special prefix
/uwutóokubuura yooba mubí/ {Rundi} 'One who would not sweep is negligent.' (Cristini 2000:180)
/abatóovuga/ {Rundi} 'those who would not speak' (Cristini 2000:195)
/abatáatema/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not cut' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/uútaatema/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not cut' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abatáakwiiba/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/uútaakwiiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-t-oo-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	A+L cl-t-aa-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
	U+L uú-t-aa-obj-∆-a {mostly Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
/uútaagukuunda ntaacyo yaabá amáze/ {Rwanda} 'He who would not love you would be useless.' (R36.8)
/abatáabitema/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not cut them' (LN)

143 autonome negative conditional perfective
See: Coupez 1980:450 #40, Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-t-óo-∆-ye {Rundi}
	A+L cl-t-áa-∆-ye {Rwanda}
/abatóokubuuye baashitse kare/ {Rundi} 'Those who would not sweep have arrived late.' (Cristini 2000:180)
/abatáasogoose/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not stab' (Coupez 1980:450 #40)
/abatáarasaaze/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not incise' (Coupez 1980:450 #40)

8.4.5. Autonome Future
This mood and tense combination creates an anticipatory nominal implying that the action will occur tomorrow or later. There is no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction.

144 autonome affirmative future
See: Overdulve 1975:231, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291; Cristini 2000:172,185,195, Rodegem 1967:52.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+T cl-zóo-∆-a {Rundi}
	A+T cl-zóo+kw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	A+R cl-záa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	A+X cl-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
	U+F+R uú-záa-∆-a [consonant root] {Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
	U+L uú-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
/abazóosáangwa/ {Rundi} 'those who will be found' (Cristini 2000:185)
/voomera zóóse ntúubá uzí izizóokwéera kare/ {Rundi} 'Water all of them, because you don't know which one will bear fruit first.' (Cristini 2000:172); /izizéera/ {Rwanda} 'those which will bear fruit' (LN)
/uúzáashobora kwíimura undí azáamwiímure/ {Rwanda} 'Whoever will be able to throw the other out, should do so.' (R28.10)
/abazáakórera/ {Rwanda} 'those who will serve' (Overdulve 1975:231)
/uúzáatéma/ {Rwanda} 'one who will cut' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abazíiba/ {Rwanda} 'those who will steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/uúzáakóra/ {Rwanda} 'one who will work' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uúzáasaba/ {Rwanda} 'one who will ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uúziiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who will steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)

145 autonome negative future
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+T cl-ta-zoo-∆-a {Rundi}
	A+F+R cl-tá-záa-∆-a {Rwanda}
	U+F+R uú-ta-záa-∆-a {Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
	U+R uú-ta-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
/uwutázoobárira/ {Rundi} 'the one who won't sew' (Cristini 2000:180)
/ngiicó ikitázoobúra/ {Rundi} 'That is the one thing that will never lack.' (Ntahokaja 1976:27)
/abatázáakóra/ {Rwanda} 'those who will not work' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/abatázáasaba/ {Rwanda} 'those who will not ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uútazáatéma/ {Rwanda} 'he who will not cut' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/uútazíiba/ {Rwanda} 'he who will not steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)

8.4.6. Autonome Conditional Future {Rwanda only}
This tense and affix combination is only found in Kinyarwanda and refers to a nominalized conditional action at least one day in the future. Like the indicative and relative and unlike the participial, it is conjugated in both the imperfective and perfective.

146 autonome affirmative conditional future imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:196f.
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-aá-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	U+L uú-t-aa-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda only} n1-sg special prefix
/uwaázaatema/ {Rwanda} 'one who would cut' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abaázaatema/ {Rwanda} 'the ones who would cut' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abaáziiba/ {Rwanda} 'the ones who would steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abaázaatabaara/ {Rwanda} 'the ones who would defend' (Kimenyi 2002:197)
/abaázaakwoogosha/ {Rwanda} 'those who would shave' (Kimenyi 2002:197)
/uútaaziiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)

147 autonome affirmative conditional future perfective
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-aá-zaa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
/abaázaatemye/ {Rwanda} 'the ones who would cut'
/abaáziibye/ {Rwanda} 'the ones who would steal' 

148 autonome negative conditional future imperfective
See: Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:197.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-t-áa-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	A+L cl-t-áa-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
	U+L uú-t-aa-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda only} n1-sg special prefix
	U+L uú-t-aa-z-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only} n1-sg special prefix
/uútaazaatema/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not cut' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/uútaaziiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abatáazaaririimba/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not sing' (Kimenyi 2002:197)
/abatáaziiba/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abatáazoogosha/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not shave' (Kimenyi 2002:197)

149 autonome negative conditional future perfective
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-t-áa-zaa-∆-ye {Rwanda only}
	U+L uú-t-aa-zaa-∆-ye {Rwanda only} n1-sg special prefix
/uútaazaatemye/ {Rwanda} 'one who would not cut'
/abaátaaziibye/ {Rwanda} 'those who would not steal'

8.4.7. Autonome Persistive
This mood and tense combination creates a persistive nominal. In the affirmative it has the sense of one who still verbs and in the negative it has the sense of those who no longer verb, one who does not verb anymore. All are marked by high tone immediately after the prefix (Arule), excepting uú-, and loss of any root tonality (Lrule). There is no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction. Because tonality falls exclusively on the first vowel after the prefix, the presence of one or more objects will not make any tonal difference.

150 autonome affirmative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve 1975:190, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291, Coupez 1980:450 #51, Kimenyi 2002:194; Rodegem 1967:52.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-kí-∆-a [voiced consonant]
	A+L cl-gí-∆-a [voiceless consonant]
	A+L cl-c-∆-a [vowel root] {Rundi}
	A+L cl-cy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
	U+L uú-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {mostly Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
	U+L uú-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {mostly Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
	U+L uú-cy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
/uwukíbaasha kwíirega yooshikiira umusáserdoóti/ {Rundi} 'One who can still confess should see a priest.' (Rodegem 1967:52)
/abagítema/ {both} 'those who still cut' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/abagísaba/ {both} 'those who still ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/abacyíiba/ {Rwanda} 'those who still steal' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/uúgisaba/ {Rwanda} 'one who still asks' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uúcyiiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who still steals' (Bizimana 1998:291)

151 autonome affirmative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Coupez 1980:450 #52; Cristini 2000:172.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-kí-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {both}
	A+L cl-gí-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {both}
	A+L cl-c-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rundi}
	A+L cl-cy-∆-ye [vowel root] {Rwanda}
	U+L uú-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] n1-sg special prefix
/uwukírwaaye naagumé i muhirá/ {Rundi} 'One who is still sick should stay at home.' (Cristini 2000:172)
«byutsa ukiryamye» {Rwanda} 'Wake up the one who is still asleep!'
/abagísabye/ {both} 'those who still ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uúgisabye/ {Rwanda} 'one who still asks' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)

152 autonome negative persistive imperfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291, Coupez 1980:450 #59, Kimenyi 2002:193f; Cristini 2000:180, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-tá-ki-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	A+L cl-tá-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	U+L uú-ta-gi-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {mostly Rwanda}
	U+L uú-ta-cy-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/ingwaano igahera ubutágisubiira/ {Rundi} '... and the war comes to an end once and for all.' (R37.6)
/uútakivuga/ {both} 'he who is not talking anymore' (Rodegem 1967:59)
/uwutákikubuura n'áasomé/ {Rundi} 'He who is no longer sweeping should read.' (Cristini 2000:180, JN)
/abatágisaba/ {both} 'those who no longer ask' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uútagisaba/ {Rwanda} 'one who no longer asks' [habitual] (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
/uútagitema/ {Rwanda} 'one who no longer cuts' (Bizimana 1998:291)
/uútacyiiba/ {Rwanda} 'one who no longer steals' (Bizimana 1998:291)

153 autonome negative persistive perfective
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Coupez 1980:450 #60; Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+L cl-tá-ki-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {both}
	A+L cl-tá-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {both}
	U+L uú-ta-ki-∆-ye [voiced consonant] {mostly Rwanda}
	U+L uú-ta-gi-∆-ye [voiceless consonant] {mostly Rwanda}
/abatákirwaaye/ {both} 'those who are no longer sick' (Rodegem 1967:59)
/abatágisogoose/ {Rwanda} 'those who don't stab anymore' (Coupez 1980:450 #60)
/uútagisabye/ {Rwanda} 'one who no longer asks' [current] (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)

8.4.8. Autonome Inceptive
This mood and tense combination creates an inceptive nomninal. A purely affirmative form exists in Rundi with the meaning one who has already verbed. When a negative or an interrogative heads the clause, the equivalent of an affirmative form also appears in Rwanda. Both dialects have a negative form with the meaning of one who has not yet verbed. Neither dialect maintains a conjoint/disjoint nor any imperfective/perfective distinction.

154 autonome affirmative inceptive {mostly Rundi}
See: Cristini 2000:172, Rodegem 1967:52.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R cl-ráa-∆-a {both}
/abaráabariira/ {Rundi} 'Those who would have already sewn ...' (Cristini 2000:172)
/ntaa kiráakórwa/ {both} 'Nothing has been done so far.' (JN, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:290)

155 autonome negative inceptive
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289, Bizimana 1998:291, Kimenyi 2002:194; Cristini 2000:181, Rodegem 1967:59.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+F+R cl-tá-ráa-∆-a {both}
	U+F+R uú-ta-ráa-∆-a {Rwanda} n1-sg special prefix
/uwutáráavúga/ {Rundi} 'he who has not yet spoken' (Cristini 2000:195)
/uútaráahaaga/ {both} 'he who is not yet full' (Rodegem 1967:59)
/abatáráavúga/ {both} 'those who have not yet spoken' (Cristini 2000:195)
/abatáráakóra/ {both} 'those who have not yet worked' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:289)
	A+R cl-tá-raa-∆-a {Rundi alt}
/uwutáraabariira ntaátaahe/ {Rundi} 'He who did not sew yet should not go home.' (Cristini 2000:181)
/akatáraabóneka/ {Rundi} (JN), /akatáráabóneka/ {Rwanda} (Jacob 1987 #3:281) 'excellence, superbness; [atr] without precedent or equal' [lit. 'what is not yet seen']

8.5. Subjunctive
The subjunctive is broadly used to express a wish or an obligation. It is used for all other verbs following an imperative (see §8.7). There is no tonally-marked conjoint/disjoint distinction. In Rundi, first person singular constructions always have -ra-, i.e., nda- affirmative or sinda- negative.

8.5.1. Immediate Subjunctive
The immediate subjunctive expresses a wish or an obligation perceived in the present. Following the preprefix ni it carries the meaning should, and is used in giving encouragement or making a polite command.
/nimusabé muzoohaabwa/ {Rundi} 'Ask and you shall receive.' (Cristini 2000:206)
/nimukuundáne/ {both} 'Love one another.' (Cristini 2000:207, LN)
/nidusomé/ {Rwanda} 'We should read.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:86)
/nibaandíke/ {Rwanda} 'We should write.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:86)

Preceded by a construction implying some future event, it indicates a consecutive action.
/mu cyúumweéeru gitaahá bazaaza tugiré ináama dusuuzúme/ {Rwanda} 'They will come next week and we will hold a meeting and we will investigate.' (Overdulve 1975:250)

156 subjunctive affirmative immediate
See: Overdulve 1975:250,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:86,171, Bizimana 1998:248, Kimenyi 2002:206; Cristini 2000:204–209, Rodegem 1967:66f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-∆-e
/erega bahuúngu dutaahé/ {both} 'Hey, guys, let's go home!' (R14)
/nimugeendé mutuuráne/ {both} 'You should go and be neighbors.' (R28.10)
/tugwaanyé ingwáara y'ígituúntu/ {Rundi} 'Let's combat tuberculosis.' (R31)
/yiigáye/ {both} 'He should be ashamed of himself.' (Cristini 2000:204)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-obj-∆-e
/imáana imwaákiire mu bwaámi bwáayo/ {both} 'May God receive her into His kingdom.' (R17.8, JN) 
/hoshi dusaangé imáana idukizé/ {both} 'Let's go find God, so that he should settle our dispute.' (R28.9)
/dukiraanure utubwiíre uúrusha undí akamaro/ {both} 'Settle our dispute and tell us who is more important.' (R28.10, JN)
/ndabahamágare?/ {Rundi} 'Should I call them?' (Cristini 2000:205)
/mbikoré ubu nyíne?/ {Rwanda} 'Should I do it right now?' (LN)

+ two or three objects
TONE PATTERN:
	O2+L S-obj-obj-obj-∆-e {both}
/ndabibábwiire?/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:205), /mbibábwiire?/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'Should I tell it to them?'
/abikúumpere/ {both} 'He should give them to you for me.' (Ntahokaja 1994:116)

157 subjunctive negative immediate
The negative subjunctive is used to give negative commands or wishes. It also has a special function expressing negative sequence constructions (i.e., without the sequence marker –ka–, see §8.12 below).

See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:172,217f, Kimenyi 2002:188; Cristini 2000:205, Rodegem 1967:67.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+L nti-S-∆-e {both}
/ntuúbeere/ {Rwanda} 'Be impartial!' (R28.3)
/ntuúrye inyama/ {both} 'You should not eat meat.' (Cristini 2000:205)
/ntimúraabe/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:205), /ntimúreebe/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'Don't look!'
/ntiwíibe/ {both} 'You should not steal!' (Rodegem 1967:67)

Here are some examples of sequential statements.
/abagabo barakóra abáana ntibákore/ {both} 'Men work, but children do not.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:218, JN)
/akora buhóro ntaábone igihéembo/ {Rwanda} 'He works slowly so he does not earn any salary.' (Overdulve 1975:250, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:217)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	2+L nti-S-obj-∆-e {both}
/aríko nyaa súkaári ntitúyibone/ {Rundi} '... but we could not get that sugar.' (R33.2, JN)
/waahuurá n'íizúuba ntuúrive imbere/ {Rwanda} 'If you meet the sun and yet don't get out of its way ...' (R28.1)

8.5.2. Future Subjunctive
The future subjunctive expresses a wish or an obligation which should be completed or carried out at some point in the future. In many instances it can be translated by English would. However, since English lacks any equivalent construction, conveying its exact sense may literally have to include words such as in the future.

158 subjunctive affirmative future
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:171, Bizimana 1998:248, Kimenyi 2002:206; Cristini 2000:205, Rodegem 1967:67f.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+P S-zóo-∆-e {Rundi}
	F+P S-záa-∆-e {Rwanda}
	F+P S-z-∆-e [vowel root]
/abaári báaratáangiye bazáakoméze/ {Rwanda} 'The ones who had started should continue.' (Bizimana 1998:298)
/azóogarúke/ {Rundi} 'He would return.' (Cristini 2000:205)
/uúzáashobora kwíimura undí azáamwiímure/ {Rwanda} 'Whoever will be able to throw the other out, should do so.' (R28.10)
/uzóohéreze iyi báruwá/ {Rwanda} 'You should send this letter.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:173)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	F+P2 S-zóo-obj-∆-e {Rundi}
	F+P2 S-záa-obj-∆-e {Rwanda}
/uzóontabáare/ {Rundi} 'You would help me.' (Cristini 2000:205)
/daatá azáaguhé urugúkwiiye/ {Rwanda} 'May our father give you the one (love) you deserve.' (R36.10)
/uúzáashobora kwíimura undí azáamwiímure/ {Rwanda} 'Whoever will be able to throw the other out, he should expel him.' (R28.10)

159 subjunctive negative future
See: Overdulve 1975:311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:172, Bizimana 1998:248, Kimenyi 2002:187; Cristini 2000:205, Rodegem 1967:67.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+T nti-S-zoo-∆-e {Rundi}
	2+L nti-S-zaa-∆-e {Rwanda}
	2+L nti-S-z-∆-e [vowel root] {Rwanda}
/siínzookóre/ {Rundi} 'I would not work (in the future).' (Cristini 2000:205)
/ntuúzaakore/ {Rwanda} 'You should not work (in the future).' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:172)
/ntaázoogáruke/ {Rundi} 'He should not come back anymore.' (Cristini 2000:205)
/ntimúzoomére nkaábo/ {Rundi} 'You should not be like them!' (Cristini 2000:205)
/ntibázoongere/ {Rwanda} 'They should not do again.' (Kimenyi 2002:187)
/ntuúzaange/ {Rwanda} 'You should not refuse.' (R28.8)

In Kinyarwanda, this can also function as a sequential statement, in which the prefix -ka- does not appear.
/ntibázaataahe ku gihe/ {Rwanda} '... and they will not come back on time.' (Overdulve 1975:250)

8.5.3. The Gerund Construction
Essentially the gerund is an auxiliary construction composed of the copulative –rí (always inflected with a high tone) plus a subjunctive verb invariably in n8-sg. Rundi uses a n8-sg subjunctive verb in an adverbial construction similar to the kind described in §3.2.8.4 which is interpreted by Cristini to be an invariable relative participle. Its present tense form, the most common, implies that an action is expected to occur within the same day of speaking. In the past, it implies an anticipated action in a previous time frame.

160 gerundive adverbial {Rundi only}
See: Cristini 2000:210, Rodegem 1967:68.
TONE PATTERN:
	P bu-∆-e
/barakóra bukoré/ 'They work with all their might.' (Cristini 2000:210)
/nyáa mwáana yakóze bukoré/ 'That child has worked with all his might.' (Rodegem 1967:68)
/bataangaara butaangáare/ {Rundi} 'They are surprised beyond surprise.' (Cristini 2000:210)

161 gerundive affirmative present
See: Bizimana 1998:292–3, Coupez 1980:458, Overdulve 1975:169–70,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:198f, Kimenyi 2002:207; Cristini 2000:210, Rodegem 1967:68f.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-rí bu-∆-e
/arí bupfé/ {both} 'He is about to die.' (Cristini 2000:210)
/abarí bukiré/ {both} 'Those who will survive ...' (Cristini 2000:210)
/izó urí buteeké/ {both} 'Some that you will cook ...' (R18)
«nibwiraga ko ab'imuhira bari buburare» {Rwanda} 'I assumed that my family would go to bed hungry.' (R34.3)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-rí bu-obj-∆-e {both}
/abaantu barí buumpé akazi/ {both} 'The people are going to give me work.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:199, JN)
/incutí yaanjye irí buunsuúre/ {Rwanda} 'My friend is going to visit me.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:199)
/baragerageza ukuuntu barí bubigeénze/ {both} 'They are trying a way that they will deal with it.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:199, JN)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	O2+L S-rí bu-obj-obj-∆-e {both}
/barí bubidúhe ku buuntu/ {both} 'They will give it to us for free.' (Bizimana 1998:334)

162 gerundive negative present
Note that the negative marker occurs on the auxiliary verb –rí, never the gerund.
See: Overdulve 1975:169–70 (not in Overdulve 1975:311), Overdulve & Jacob 1998:198, Bizimana 1998:293; Cristini 2000:210, Rodegem 1967:68.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-ta-rí bu-∆-e {both}
/sindí buvugé/ {both} 'I will not talk.' (Cristini 2000:210, Ntahokaja 1976:15)
/ntarí bugiré iruungu/ {both} 'He won't feel lonely.' (Cristini 2000:210)
/nta kiíndi ndí bugiré/ {Rundi} 'There is nothing else that I can do.' (Cristini 2000:210)
/mubwiire yúukó ntarí buuzé/ {both} 'Tell him that I will not come.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:198, JN)
/aba banyéeshuúri ntíbarí bwiigé/ {both} 'These students are not going to study.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:199, JN)
/ikiintu tutarí bukoré/ {both} 'the thing which we are not going to make' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:199, JN) [relative construction]
/bagiiye i kigalí ntíbarí bugarúke vubá/ {both} 'They're going to Kigali and they will not come back soon.' (Overdulve 1975:170, JN)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	P2 S-ta-rí bu-obj-∆-e {both}
/ntibarí bugusigé/ {both} 'They won't leave you (behind).' (Bizimana 1998:293)

163 gerundive affirmative past
See: Cristini 2000:210f, Rodegem 1967:68; not in Overdulve 1975:310.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+P S-rí bw-áa-∆-e
/twaari bwáapfé/ {both} 'We would have died.' (Cristini 2000:210)
/náakavúuka ntáho narí bwáavyuúmve/ {Rundi} 'In my life [lit. and I having been born] I had never heard such a thing.' (Cristini 2000:213)

164 gerundive negative past
See: Cristini 2000:210f, Rodegem 1967:68; not in Overdulve 1975:311.
TONE PATTERN:
	1+P nti-S-rí bw-áa-∆-e
Note: This has the sense of the inceptive negative, but in the past, i.e., not yet.
/ntivyaári bwáashiké/ {Rundi} 'It had never happened before.' ( Cristini 2000:211)
/sinarí bwáabibóne/ {both} 'I had never seen that.' (Cristini 2000:211)
/ntibaari bwáavyuuké/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:211), /ntibaari bwáabyuuké/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'They were not up yet.'

† gerundive future {Rwanda only, not commonly used}
See discussion in footnote 396 above and Bizimana 1998:293, Kimenyi 2002:207; not in Overdulve 1975, Coupez 1980:458, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:198.
TONE PATTERNS:
	F+P S-rí bu-záa-∆-e {Rwanda only, affirmative}
	F+P nti-S-rí bu-záa-∆-e {Rwanda only, negative}
/ndí buzáamutumé/ {Rwanda} 'I will eventually send him off'. (Bizimana 1998:293)
/sindí buzáamutumé/ {Rwanda} 'I will not eventually send him off.' (Bizimana 1998:293)

8.6. Infinitive
An infinitive fully shares the properties of verb and noun. It can be translated either by to verb or by verbing. Although the basic infinitive form loses the preinitial vowel of the n9 prefix, this vowel is restored in copulative and certain absolute constructions. Coordination of infinitives is accomplished with the conjunction /nó/.
/umwuuga wáabo ní uguhíiga nó kuróba/ {both} 'Their livelihood is hunting and fishing.' (38.1, JN)
/kuvúga nó kwúumva/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:325), /kuvúga nó kúumva/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'to speak and to listen'

165 infinitive affirmative immediate
See: Overdulve 1975:62,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:285f, Kimenyi 2002:172,198; Cristini 2000:209, Rodegem 1967:63f.
TONE PATTERN:
	R ku-∆-a [before voiced consonant] {both}
	R gu-∆-a [before voiceless consonant] {both}
	R kw-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
	R k-∆-a [before o or u] {Rwanda}
/twiiháatire gusoma/ {Rwanda} 'We should make every effort to read.' (R4)
«niko gufata akandi gatelefone ka mugenzi we» {both} 'So then he took another cell phone from his friend.' (R7)
«i Kibungo habereye umuhango wo kurekura abagororwa» {Rwanda} 'In Kibungo, a ceremony was held releasing 148 prisoners.' (R8.1)
/kwóogosha/ {both} 'to shave' (Kimenyi 2002:172)
/kwíitabaara/ {both} 'to defend oneself' (Kimenyi 2002:198)

infinitive full affirmative
See: Overdulve 1975:112f, Cristini 2000:209.
TONE PATTERN:
	R uku-∆-a [before voiced consonant] {both}
	R ugu-∆-a [before voiceless consonant] {both}
	R ukw-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
	R uk-∆-a [before o or u] {Rwanda}
/kókó uri mwiizá sí ukubéeshya/ {Rwanda} 'You are truly good, it is no lie.' (R36.1)
/ukubáza guteera ukumenya/ {Rundi} 'To ask causes to know.' (Cristini 2000:209, Rodegem 1967:63)
/ukubahó/ {both} 'existence' [lit. 'to be there'] (Rodegem 1967:130)
/ukoongeera/ {Rwanda} 'to add' (Jacob #2 1986:507)
/ukwíikuza kwaawe/ {both} 'your boasting' (R28.2)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	O ku-obj-∆-a {both}
/ukiiriinda kubíkubaganya/ {both} '... and you avoid disturbing them.' (R18)
/yanániwe kuyigumiisha mu muhaánda/ {Rwanda} 'He failed to keep it on the road.' (R16)
/ashobora kugúkubita/ {both} 'She can hit you.' (R22)
/abaantu ahó kuunshiimira baríitweengera/ {both} 'Instead of thanking me, people just laugh.' (R19)
/inkezi zikaama zíiza kubúrya/ {Rundi} 'Mice continually came to eat it.' (R27.1)
/kugira babaandáanye kubaziimba/ {Rundi} '... so that they can continue overcharging them.' (R35.5)
/si ukukíbuuranira/ {both} 'It is not to defend it (the language).' (Ntahokaja 1976:i, LN)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	O+T ku-obj-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	O+R ku-obj-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/mu kubíturúungikira/ {Rundi} 'in sending them to us' (Cristini 2000:188,209)
/kubímukórera/ {both} 'to do it for him' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:326, JN)
/kukibasomera/ {Rwanda} 'to read it for them' (LN)

166 infinitive negative immediate
See: Overdulve 1975:227f,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:285f, Kimenyi 2002:205; Cristini 2000:209, Rodegem 1967:64.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+P ku-tá-∆-a [before voiced consonant] {both}
	A+P ku-dá-∆-a [before voiceless consonant] {both}
	A+P ku-t-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/ubukené eka nó kutámenyá/ {Rundi} 'poverty and ignorance' (R31.2)
/kutíigáanda mfásha n'ábaándi/ {Rwanda} 'not to delay in helping others' (R36.7)
/yaríiyaamirije icíitwaazo c'úbukené có kutáruungíka abáana kwiishuúre/ {Rundi} 'He rejected poverty as an excuse not to send children to school.' (39.4)
/kudáshiimá/ {both} 'not to be satisfied' (Cristini 2000:209, LN)

infinitive full negative
See: Bizimana 1998:148, Ntahokaja 1994:72.
/ukutábwirírikanya ní kwo kutubúza gutéera imbere/ {both} 'The lack of consultation is the reason why we don't advance.' (Ntahokaja 1994:72)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	A+P2 ku-tá-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	A+T ku-tá-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/kutábishiíma/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:209, Rodegem 1967:64), /kutábishíima/ 'not to be satisfied with them'
/kutábisába/ {Rwanda} 'not to ask for them' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:285, JN)

167 infinitive affirmative future
See: Overdulve 1975:227,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:285f; Cristini 2000:209, Rodegem 1967:64.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+T ku-zóo-∆-a {Rundi}
	L ku-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/kuzóoróonka/ {Rundi} 'to receive in the future' (Cristini 2000:209, Rodegem 1967:64)
«bakemera kugura ibiro bike cane ku vyo bategekanya kuzogura» {Rundi} 'And they resign themselves to buying fewer kilos than what they were looking forward to buying.' (R35.4)
«ayo makomite abwirizwa kuzojijura abanyagihugu» {Rundi} 'Those committees must convince citizens.' (R39.5)
/kuzóokóra/ {Rundi}, /kuzaakora/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:285) 'to work (in the future)'
«nta cyizere ko n'abakomeretse bashobora kuzakira» {Rwanda} 'There was no hope that the injured might survive.' (R8b)

168 infinitive negative future
Not only are the Kirundi and Kinyarwanda forms tonally distinct, the Rwandan infinitive negative future (which can have up to three high tones) is totally distinct from the affirmative (which is low-toned throughout).
See: Overdulve 1975:228,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:285f; Cristini 2000:209, Rodegem 1967:64.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+T ku-tá-zoo-∆-a {Rundi}
	A+F+R ku-tá-záa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/kutázoogéenda/ {Rundi} 'not to go in the future' (Cristini 2000:209)
/kutázootóora/ {Rundi} 'not to choose in the future' (Cristini 2000:209, Rodegem 1967:64)
/kutázáakóra/ {Rwanda} 'not to work in the future' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:285)
/kutázáaza kwaawe bizaambabaza/ {Rwanda} 'Your not coming will make me feel bad.' (Bizimana 1998:210)

8.7. Imperative
The imperative mood expresses an order or command, but the subject or doer (you understood) is never expressed. There are other ways to give orders that can use a subject pronoun, such as the subjunctive /mugeendé/ {both} 'You should go!,' but the linguistic characteristic of imperative forms is that no pronoun appears, e.g., English Stop!, not You stop! The imperative of Kirundi and Kinyarwanda is one of the most simple of verb forms, characterized by two kinds of reduction: tone loss (if the imperative form is first in a phrase or sentence) and vowel shortening (if the root begins with a long vowel). Out of politeness, a command is limited to a single imperative. If one gives a series of commands, the following verbs must be in the subjunctive (§8.5).
/injira wiicáre/ {Rwanda} 'Come in and sit down!' (Overdulve 1975:250)
/geenda ubazé/ {both} 'Go and ask!' (Cristini 2000:202, LN)
/guma hamwé, uryaamé, uruhúuke, uzóovyuuké ejó/ {Rundi} 'Stay put, lie down, rest, and (don't) get up until tomorrow!' (Cristini 2000:202)

8.7.1. Imperatives with -a
Imperative forms ending with the suffix -a are either simple verbs or verbs with a first person singular object attached.

169 imperative affirmative
See: Overdulve 1975:100f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:85f,274, Bizimana 1998:280, Kimenyi 2002:182f; Cristini 2000:200f, Rodegem 1967:65.
TONE PATTERN:
	N+L Ø-∆-a {both}
	N+L Ø-[VL]∆-a {both} [the long initial vowel of a vowel root with gets a shortened]
/soma/ {both} 'Read!' (Overdulve 1975:100)
/kora/ {both} 'Work!' (Overdulve 1975:100,285, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:86)
/tabaaza/ {both} 'Call for help!' (R27.9)
/vuza impuúndu/ {both} 'Rejoice!' (R21.3)
/voomera zóóse/ {Rundi} (Rodegem 1967:65), /voomera zóose/ {Rwanda} 'Water all of them!'
/iga/ {both} 'Study!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:274)

Note that high tone appears on the first vowel if the imperative is not the first word. However, /ati/ {both} 'he said' is followed by a pause and blocks the appearance of high tone.
/níibá unániwe rúhuuka/ {both} 'If you are tired, rest!' (JN, LN)
/níibá uhíinga híinga néezá/ {Rwanda} 'If you’re going to plow, plow well!' (Overdulve 1975:243)
/ati: nyugururira/ {both} 'Open for me, he said.' (Cristini 2000:201)
/aravúg' ati kora/ {both} 'He said, "Work!"' (Overdulve 1975:100)

170 imperative affirmative with first person object
See: Overdulve 1975:150, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:177; Cristini 2000:201, Rodegem 1967:65.
TONE PATTERN:
	N+L Ø-N[pro-1sg-obj]-∆-a {both}
/mfasha/ {Rwanda} 'Help me!' (Overdulve 1975:150)
/oya nyéreka/ {Rundi} 'No, show me!' (Cristini 2000:201, Rodegem 1967:65)
/mbisa/ {both} 'Make room for me!' (Overdulve 1975:291)
/mpa/ {both} 'Give me!' (Overdulve 1975:150, Cristini 2000:201)

8.7.2. Imperatives with -e
Imperative forms ending with the suffix -e are either reflexive verbs (íi-, §8.13) or verbs with any object infix (except first person singular, #170) attached.

171 reflexive verbs have an imperative with the suffix -e.
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:274; Cristini 2000:201.
TONE PATTERN: Ø-i-∆-e {both}
/ifuuze/ {both} 'Wish (for it)!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:274)
/igeendere/ {Rwanda} 'Just go!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:274)

172 imperative object-embedded verbs
+ one object
See: Overdulve 1975:150–1, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:177; Cristini 2000:201, Rodegem 1967:65f.
TONE PATTERN:
	N+L Ø-obj-∆-e {both}
/tubwiire níibá arí wowé mugaanga/ {Rwanda} 'Tell us whether you are the doctor.' (Overdulve 1975:255)
/níibá arí kó ushaaká kájyaane/ {Rwanda} 'If it's what you want, take it!' (LN)
/níibá ubíizi bívuge/ {both} 'If you know it, say it!' (Jacob #2 1986:396)
/dukiraanure/ {both} 'Settle our dispute!' (R28.10)
/muhanuure/ {both} 'Reprimand him!' (Cristini 2000:201, Rodegem 1967:65)
/mufashe/ {both} 'Help him!' (Overdulve 1975:150, JN)
/mubise/ {both} 'Make room for him!' (Overdulve 1975:291, JN)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	N+L Ø-obj-obj-∆-e {both}
/'bimweereke/ {both} 'Show it to him!' (JN, Cristini 2000:201, Rodegem 1967:65)

Only Rundi has some alternate imperatives with the suffix -e without any object expressed.
/fate/{Rundi only} 'Take!' (Cristini 2000:202)
/geende/ {Rundi only} 'Go!' (Cristini 2000:202)

There is no negative imperative, i.e., a negative subjectless command. There are, of course, many ways to express a negative order, such as by means of the negative subjunctive or with any of several auxiliary verbs.
/reka kubéesha/ {Rundi} 'Don't lie!' (Cristini 2000:202, Rodegem 1967:65)
/reka guseka/ {both} 'Don't laugh!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:88)
/gezaho gukóra/ {both} 'Stop working!' (Cristini 2000:202)

8.8. Jussive (-ii-) {Rwanda only}
The jussive in Kinyarwanda is used to express negative wishes or expectations and can often be translated as should not. It is sometimes treated as a negative imperative (e.g., Overdulve 1975:184f), but applies to all persons and noun classes and therefore does not have the zero-marking required of a true imperative. The second person forms (wii- or mwii-) are semantically the closest means of expressing a negative command.

173 negative jussive verbs
See: Overdulve 1975:101,150–2,184–5,266,311, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:86f,178f, Bizimana 1998:248,280, Kimenyi 2002:207.
TONE PATTERN:
	P S-ii-∆-a {Rwanda only}
	P S-iikw-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/wiivugá níngoga/ {Rwanda} 'Don't speak fast!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:179)
/biiriríimba/ {Rwanda} 'They should not sing!' (Kimenyi 2002:207)
/yiikwaambára/ {Rwanda} 'He should not dress up!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:87)
/wiikwaangá/ {Rwanda} 'Don't refuse!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:179)
/biikwoongéra/ {Rwanda} 'They should not do again!' (Kimenyi 2002:207)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	R S-ii-obj-∆-a {Rwanda only}
/wiinkúbita/ {Rwanda} 'Don't hit me!' (Overdulve 1975:150)
/wiitubwíira ibinyomá/ {Rwanda} 'Don't tell us lies!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:179)
/mwiimukúbita/ {Rwanda} 'Don't (you all) hit him!' (Overdulve 1975:150)
/mwiiyaména/ 'Don't (you all) pour it (the water)!' (Overdulve 1975:152)

8.9. Hortative
A hortative is a form of urging or encouragement; it generally represents a polite command. As such, it does not express a wish, which is the role of an optative construction (see §8.10 below). Good night! is hortative, while I hope you have a good night! or May you have a good night! is optative. The preverb -ra- is involved in all these constructions.

8.9.1. Hortative Immediate (-ra-∆-a) {Rundi}, (-ra-∆-e) {Rwanda}

174 hortative affirmative immediate
See: Overdulve 1975:251f,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:306f, Kimenyi 2002:187; Cristini 2000:202f, Rodegem 1967:64f.
TONE PATTERN:
	N+L S-ra-∆-a {Rundi}
	N+L S-ra-∆-e {both}
	N+L S-r-∆-e [vowel root] {both}
/uramuuntaahiriza/ {Rundi}, /uramuuntaahirize/ {Rwanda} 'Give him my regards!'
/muraramuke hó/ {Rwanda} 'Good night!' (ALO:252f)
/níibá urwáaye uriivuuza/ {Rundi} (JN), /níibá urwáaye uriivuuze/ {Rwanda} (Bizimana 1998:385) 'If you are sick, you should get yourself treated.'
/baroongere/ {Rwanda} 'They should do again.' (Kimenyi 2002:187)

8.9.2. Hortative Future (-ra-zoo-∆-a) {Rundi}, (-ra-zaa-∆-e) {Rwanda}

175 hortative affirmative future
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:307; Cristini 2000:203, Rodegem 1967:65f.
TONE PATTERN:
	N+L S-ra-zoo-∆-a {Rundi}
	N+L S-ra-zaa-∆-e {Rwanda}
/urazooza/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:203), /urazaaze/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'Come when you want' [lit. 'you should come in the future']
/murazootiinya umwéenda/ {Rundi} 'you should be afraid of debt' (R21.5)
/ejó múrazooba múhari/ {Rundi} (JN), /ejó múrazaabe múhari/ {Rwanda}'you should be there tomorrow' (Overdulve 1975:251f)

8.10. Optative
An optative expresses a wish on the part of the speaker, e.g., If only horses could fly!, May you recover soon!, I hope you have a great birthday! Such wishes can be positive (a blessing) or negative (a curse). These constructions are treated here because they are similar in meaning to the imperatives, jussives, and hortatives discussed above, even if they are probably formed with the -ka- sequence prefix (and would equally belong in §8.12 below).

8.10.1. Optative Affirmative (-ra-ka-, -ra-ga-, -ra-k-) {both}

176 optative affirmative
See: Overdulve 1975:265, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:307f, Kimenyi 2002:185; Cristini 2000:203, Rodegem 1967:66f.
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-ra-ka-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	L S-ra-ga-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	L S-ra-k-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/urakaraamba/ {both} 'May you live long!' (Cristini 2000:203, LN)
/urakavuna umuheto/ {both} 'May you break your bow!' [curse = May you lose your eldest son!] (Cristini 2000:203, LN)
/murakaroota néezá/ {both} 'May you dream well!' (Overdulve 1975:265, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308)
/aragapfa/ {both} 'So he should die!' (Overdulve 1975:252, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308)
/baragatsiinda/ {both} 'I hope they win!' (Overdulve 1975:265, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308)
/murakagwiira múragaheezagirwa n-íimáana/ {Rundi} 'May you all multiply and be blessed by God!' (Cristini 2000:203)
/barakoogosha/ {Rwanda} 'May they shave!' (Kimenyi 2002:185)
/barakoongera/ {both} 'May they do again!' (JN, Kimenyi 2002:185)

8.10.2. Optative Affirmative (-áa-ká-, -óo-ká-) {Rwanda only}
Verbs with these two prefixes never come first in a sentence. The affixes are used in traditional blessings and curses; any tone of the verb is lost, with only the tonality of this affix prevailing.

177 optative affirmative alternate
See: Overdulve 1975:265f (but not in table p.310), Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308, Kimenyi 2002:186.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+L S-óo-ká-∆-a [voiced consonant] {Rwanda only}
	F+L S-óo-gá-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda only}
	F+A S-óo-k-∆-a [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/wóokábyaara/ {Rwanda} '... and may you have children!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:30)
/bóokáririimba/ {Rwanda} '... and they should sing!' (Kimenyi 2002:186)
/bóogátabaara/ {Rwanda} '... and they should defend!' (Kimenyi 2002:186)
/bóokóogosha/ {Rwanda} '... and they should shave!' (Kimenyi 2002:186)

8.10.3. Optative Affirmative (Ø-ka-∆-e) {Rwanda only}
This construction does not have a subject marker and is always addressed to the second person. It is therefore structurally like a subsecutive imperative and is identified as such by Coupez. Because its primary semantic effect is a wish (rather than a command), we treat it as optative.

178 optative affirmative alternate
See: Coupez 1980:410–12 (#207), Kimenyi 2002:185.
TONE PATTERN:
	L Ø-ka-∆-e {Rwanda only}
	L Ø-k-∆-e [vowel root] {Rwanda only}
/kabyaare/ {Rwanda} 'May you have children!' (LN)
/kaririimbe/ {Rwanda} 'May you sing!' (Kimenyi 2002:185)
/kuubake neeza/ {Rwanda} 'I hope you start a family without any problems!' (LN)
/kiizeere imáana/ {Rwanda} 'May you trust in God!' (LN)

8.10.4. Optative Affirmative Expressions (Ø-nya-ku-∆-a)
There are two special constructions consisting of the preprefix nya- and the prefix ku-. Neither carries a subject prefix. Although the latter part may appear similar to an infinitive construction, it is tonally quite distinct. If addressed to the second person, i.e., may you verb or you who should verb, there is high tone on the kú-, if it is spoken about a third person, i.e., may he or she verb or one who should verb, the entire form is low toned. The second person forms could equally be interpreted as vocative constructions, following the Vrule (see §3.6.5.2), while the third person forms are sometimes used as nouns in Group 1a (§3.2.1a.2).

179 optative affirmative third person (alternatively n1a)
See: Kimenyi 2002:112,186; Cristini 2000:81, Ntahokaja 1994:44.
TONE PATTERN:
	L Ø-nya-ku-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	L Ø-nya-gu-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	L Ø-nya-kw-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/nyakubyaara/ {Rwanda} 'one who should bear children' (Bizimana 1998:166, Kimenyi 2002:112)
/nyakunyagwa/ {both} 'one who should be dispossessed' (Kimenyi 2002:112, JN)
/nyagupfa/ {both} 'one who should die; [atr] worthy of death, about to be hung' (Ntahokaja 1994:44)
/nyakwuubahwa/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:81), /nyakuubahwa/ {both} (JN, LN) 'one who should be respected; excellency; reverend'

180 optative affirmative second person (alternatively n1a-voc)
See: Kimenyi 2002:112; Cristini 2000:81, Ntahokaja 1994:44.
TONE PATTERN:
	A+X Ø-nya-kú-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	A+X Ø-nya-gú-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	A+X Ø-nya-kw-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/uraaho nyakúumpemukira/ {both} 'Good day, you who betrays my trust!' (JN, Jacob #2 1986:430)
/nyakúvyaara/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:81), /nyakúbyaara/ {Rwanda} (Kimenyi 2002:112) 'Oh you who should bear children!'
/nyakúnyagwa/ {both} 'Oh one who should be dispossessed!' (JN, Kimenyi 2002:112)
/nyagúpfa/ {both} 'I wish you would die!' (Ntahokaja 1994:44)
/nyagúhuumirwa/ {Rundi} 'May you be cursed!' (Cristini 2000:81)
/nyakwúubahwa/ {both} (Kimenyi 2002:112), /nyakúubahwa/ {both} (JN, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:309) 'May you be respected! [opt]; Oh you who are worthy of respect!; [voc] Your excellency!'

8.10.5. Optative Negative (nti-S-ka-∆-e)
This construction is used to express wishes in the negative. Overdulve & Jacob suggest it is a modified negative subjunctive (1998:305 – subjonctif négatif modifié) whereas Cristini treats it twice: as the optative negative (2000:203f – optatif au négatif) and the subsecutive subjunctive immediate (2000:214 – subsécutif de subjonctif immédiat).

181 optative negative (subsecutive negative subjunctive immediate)
See: Overdulve & Jacob 1998:305, Kimenyi 2002:188; Cristini 2000:203f,214, Rodegem 1967:66.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+L nti-S-ka-∆-e {both}
	2+L nti-S-k-∆-e [vowel root]
/uwubáanka ntaákaraambe/ {Rundi} 'May someone who hates you not live long!' (Cristini 2000:203)
/ntiríkabe/ {both} 'May it never happen!' (Cristini 2000:214, LN)
/ntuúkabwiire/ {both} 'Please don't tell!' (Cristini 2000:204, LN)
/ntuúgatoongane/ {both} 'May you not quarrel!' (Cristini 2000:204, LN)
/ntuúkabyaare/ {Rwanda} 'May you not have children!' (Bizimana 1998:282)
/ntuúgatuke abageenzi/ {Rwanda} 'You should not insult travelers!' (Bizimana 1998:282)
/ntuúkarwaare/ {both} 'May you never be sick!' (JN, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:305)
/ntuúkaanke/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:204), /ntuúkaange/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'May you not refuse!'

8.11. Exclamative Constructions {Rwanda only}
Kinyarwanda has a special form to express surprise, astonishment, or some other exclamation directly through the verb. It is only used in the affirmative. Note that both conjoint and disjoint forms are distinguished tonally.
/mwaahíinga/ [Rrule] {Rwanda} 'How you plow!' (Overdulve 1975:252)
/mwaahiinga néezá/ [Lrule] {Rwanda} 'How well you plow!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308)

182 Exclamative conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:252,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-aa-∆-a
	L S-a-∆-a [alt weak forms]
/waba umupfú/ {Rwanda} 'How stupid you are!' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308)
/yaba mubí/ {Rwanda} 'How evil he is!' (Overdulve 1975:252)
/baakora cyaane/ {Rwanda} 'How hard they work!' (Overdulve 1975:252)

183 Exclamative disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:252,310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308
TONE PATTERN:
	R S-aa-∆-a
/waasara/ {Rwanda} 'How foolish you are! (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:308)
/twaakorána/ {Rwanda} 'How we work together!' (Overdulve 1975:310)

8.12. Sequence or Subsecutive Constructions
The prefix series -ka-, -ga-, -k- has a sequence function; it links a verb to a previously expressed action. It functions like an internal conjunction meaning and or then. Grammatically speaking, it can occur in most constructions discussed above: indicative, participial, relative, and subjunctive. There are both conjoint and disjoint forms in most conjugations. Although Kirundi has a full series of affirmative and negative forms, Kinyarwanda tends to use the negative subjunctive for negative sequences (see §8.5.1 #157). There is a subtle distinction between a sequence construction (with chronological connections) and a narrative construction (with logical connections, see §8.1.9), as illustrated by the following examples:
/yatéeye imbúto ziramera zirakúra zihiinduka ibití biníni/ {Rwanda} 'He planted some seeds, they germinated, they grew, they become transformed into great trees.' [narrative] (Overdulve 1975:188)
/ateera imbúto zikamera zigakúra zigahiinduka ibití biníni/ {Rwanda} 'He plants some seeds, they germinate, they grow, they are transformed into great trees.' [sequence] (Overdulve 1975:189)
/yatéeraga imbúto zikamera zigakúra zigahiinduka ibití biníni/ {Rwanda} 'He was planting some seeds, they were supposed to germinate and grow and become transformed into great trees.' [sequence] (Overdulve 1975:189)

184 subsecutive indicative affirmative immediate conjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:217f, Kimenyi 2002:192f; Cristini 2000:212, Rodegem 1967:68f.
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-ka-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	L S-ga-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
	L S-k-∆-a [vowel root] {both}
/akabona amafaraanga meénshi/ {both} '... and he earned a lot of money.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:217)
«Mu gikonjo Gisabo yambara imiringa ibiri y'isenga, nini na ntoyi, igafatwa n'urubare rw'umujumbu» {Rundi} 'On his wrist Gisabo wore two amulets, one large and one small, held by a very thin copper wire.' (R5)
/abahiínga baroongera bakavuga/ {Rundi} 'And moreover experts repeatedly say ...' (R37.5)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	L S-ka-obj-∆-a {both}
/ukawuroonga néezá/ {both} '... then you rinse it nicely.' (R18, JN)
«bashyingirayo, cyangwa se bakahakura abageni» {Rwanda} 'They marry their children off there or else they get brides from there.' (R38.9)

185 subsecutive indicative affirmative immediate disjoint
See: Overdulve 1975:310, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:217f, Kimenyi 2002:175; Cristini 2000:211–215, Rodegem 1967:68f.
TONE PATTERN:
	R S-ka-∆-a {both}
	R S-k-∆-a [vowel root]
/abaantu bóóse / bóose ahó bavá bakagera/ {both} 'all people without exception' (Rodegem 1967:68)
/bakanéezeerwa/ {both} '... then they would be happy.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:246)
«n'ibindi bacanira, bigakama» {both} '... and others things that they heat which then evaporate.' (R24.1)
«ndubaka rigasenya» {both} 'I build and then he destroys.' (R28.6)
/ateera imbúto zikamera zigakúra/ {Rwanda} 'He plants the seeds, then they sprout and they grow.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:218)
/uríinyweera ukíibyinira/ {Rwanda} 'You are just drinking and dancing.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:274)
/ejo mu iishuúri narásomaga nkaandika/ {Rwanda} 'Yesterday at school I read and I wrote.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:218)
/bakóogosha/ {both} '... and then they shave.' (Kimenyi 2002:175)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	O+L S-ka-obj-∆-a {both}
«uramenya yuko uca rubi nkakurya» {Rundi} 'You'd better know that if you arbitrate poorly, then I'll eat you.' (R27.4)
/akabíbona/ {both} '... and he sees it.' (Cristini 2000:187)
/twaashiimúuta inká bakadúfata/ {Rwanda} 'If we were to steal some cows, then they would arrest us.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:301)
/akadúcuungura/ {Rundi} '... and he saves us.' (Cristini 2000:187)

+ two objects
TONE PATTERN:
	O+T S-ka-obj-obj-∆-a {Rundi}
	O+R S-ka-obj-obj-∆-a {Rwanda}
/akabíturúungikira/ {Rundi} '... and he is sending it to us.' (Cristini 2000:188)
/tukabímukórera/ {both} '... and we are doing it for him.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:326, JN)

186 subsecutive indicative affirmative recent disjoint
See: Cristini 2000:213, Rodegem 1967:69.
TONE PATTERN:
	R S-a-ka-∆-a
/amatá araryóoha, aríko yakaryóoha, ahórwakó akabíiha/ {Rundi} 'Milk is tasty, but although it is tasty, taken all the time, it then tastes bad.' (Cristini 2000:213)

187 subsecutive indicative affirmative preterit perfective
See: Cristini 2000:213.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+L S-á-ka-∆-ye
/erega yakábaaye mwéezi aríwe mwaámi/ {Rundi} 'Truly, he was Mwezi, he being the king.' (Cristini 2000:213)

188 subsecutive indicative affirmative conditional
See: Bizimana 1998:138, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300
TONE PATTERN:
	R S-aa-ka-∆-a
/utwo duseke ní twiizá waakatuguze/ {Rwanda} 'Those little baskets are beautiful, so you should buy them.' (Bizimana 1998:138)
/mwaakaroreera/ {Rwanda} 'You should stop.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300)

189 subsecutive indicative affirmative future
See: Bizimana 1998:278, Coupez 1980:410–11 (#192), Kimenyi 2002:189, Overdulve 1975:310; Cristini 2000:214f, Rodegem 1967:69.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R S-zóo-ka-∆-a {Rundi}
	L S-ka-zoo-∆-a {Rundi}
	L S-ka-zaa-∆-a {Rwanda}
/aratúnyuze twaazaakamugize/ {Rwanda} 'He pleases us so we should have him.' (Bizimana 1998:257)
/urahíinga ukazaasaaruura/ {Rwanda} 'You cultivate and then you will reap.' (Bizimana 1998:278)
/tukazaakorana/ {Rwanda} '... and then we will work together.' (Overdulve 1975:310)
/bakazaaririimba/ {Rwanda} '... and then they will sing.' (Kimenyi 2002:189)
/imiísi ikazoomara/ {Rundi} '... and the days will endure.' (Cristini 2000:214)
/izóokakúbita/ {Rundi} '... and then it will hit.' (cf: Cristini 2000:214)

190 subsecutive indicative negative inceptive
Note: This construction does not normally occur in Rwanda, the negative subjunctive is used instead (see §8.5.1 #157). However it can be used with the presupposition or connotation of an excuse (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:227). Coupez (1980:406–7 #180) calls this a "modified negative indicative inceptive," disestablishing it from a subsecutive construction.
See: Coupez 1980:406–7 #180, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:227; Cristini 2000:214.
TONE PATTERN:
	F+R nti-S-ráa-ka-∆-a [voiced consonant] {both}
	F+R nti-S-ráa-ga-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {both}
/ntituráagakóra/ {Rundi} 'We are not working yet.' (Cristini 2000:214)
/sindáakavooma/ {Rwanda} 'And so I have not fetched water yet.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:227)
/byáa biintu wadusabyé ntíturáakabiizana/ {Rwanda} 'Those things that you asked of us we have not brought yet.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:227)
/ntituráagasogoota/ {both} '... and we did not even stab yet.' (Coupez 1980:406–7 #180)
/ntituráakarásaaga/ {both} '... and we did not even inject yet.' (Coupez 1980:406–7 #180)

191 subsecutive participial affirmative preterit perfective conjoint
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-áa-ka-∆-ye {both}
/vyáakabaaye keéra aréemera kó arí we yiívye/ {Rundi} 'And finally [lit. and it having become a long while] he admits [narrative] that he was the one who stole.' (Cristini 2000:213)
/háakabaaye keéra/ {both} 'at long last' (JN, LN)

192 subsecutive participial affirmative preterit imperfective disjoint
TONE PATTERN:
	1+R S-áa-ka-∆-a {both}
/náakavúuka ntáho narí bwáavyuúmve/ {Rundi} 'In my life [lit. and I having been born] I would never have heard such a thing.' (Cristini 2000:213)
/náakavúuka/ {Rwanda} 'Since I was born ...' (LN)

193 subsecutive participial affirmative conditional
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-aa-ka-∆-a
/mwáakarya mútaakarya ntímuhaagá/ {both} 'Whether you eat or do not eat, you don't get full.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300, JN)

194 subsecutive participial negative conditional
TONE PATTERN:
	1+L S-t-aa-ka-∆-a
/mwáakarya mútaakarya ntímuhaagá/ {both} 'Whether you eat or do not eat, you don't get full.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:300, JN)

195 subsecutive participial affirmative future
TONE PATTERN:
	1+R S-zoo-ka-∆-a [voiced consonant] {Rundi}
	1+R S-zoo-ga-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {Rundi}
	1+R S-zaa-ka-∆-a [voiced consonant] {Rwanda}
	1+R S-zaa-ga-∆-a [voiceless consonant] {Rwanda}
/bázoogakóra n'úukó badaheembwá/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:214), /bázaagakóra n'úukó badaheembwá/ (LN) 'They would also work, it's just that they don't get paid.'

196 subsecutive relative affirmative preterit perfective
See: Bizimana 1998:257, Cristini 2000:213.
TONE PATTERN:
	2+L S-aá-ka-∆-ye
/baáryaamaga ukó baákaambaye/ {Rwanda} 'They used to sleep as they had been dressed.' (Bizimana 1998:257)
/ibirémwa vyóóse vyó mw-iijuru ukó vyaákabaaye/ {Rundi} 'All the creatures that are in heaven without exception [lit. such as they were] ...' (Cristini 2000:213)

197 subsecutive autonome affirmative recent perfective
See: Rodegem 1967:52(footnote 1)
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-ká-∆-ye
/uwakáriiye we araryá akiibagira ikiboondo cíiwé/ {Rundi} 'How is it that one who eats to the full eats and forgets his own child?' (Rodegem 1967:52)

+ one object
TONE PATTERN:
	A2+L cl-a-ká-obj-∆-ye
/uwakábibabaye wé ari héehé/ {Rundi} 'The one who cared so much about it, where is he?' (Rodegem 1967:52)

8.13. Reflexive (íi-) {both}
The prefix /íi-/ indicates that the agent(s) or subject(s) are performing the action either upon themselves or by themselves. Many languages, such as English, have a series of reflexive pronouns (oneself, myself, yourself, themselves), but in Bantu languages a verb prefix usually conveys this meaning. The reflexive comes immediately before the root and stands for a special kind of object concord; it therefore takes an imperative in -e (rather than -a, see §8.7.2). This prefix has its own tone pattern (Irule, §2.4.21) and strips any high-toned root of its tonality. Before vowel roots the form is /íiy-/ and any initial long vowel is shortened.
/-íikuunda/ {both} 'love oneself' < /-kúunda/ {both} 'like, love'
/-íiyereka/ 'show oneself, exhibit oneself in public, parade, dance' < /-éereka/ {both} 'show s.t. to s.o.'

There are some instances when an entirely different English word or phrase will more accurately capture its sense.
/-íiyica/ {both} 'commit suicide' < /-íica/ {both} 'kill'
/-íibwiira/ {both} 'assume, conjecture, suppose' < /-bwíira/ {both} 'say s.t. to s.o., tell'

The combination of this prefix with a benefactive augment (see §8.14.1 below) yields a special meaning: just verb, do verb calmly, easily, happily implying a simple, non-adverse action: an action done willingly or freely on one's own behalf.
/-íigiira/ {both} v-refl-ben 'go away (on one's own), betake oneself, get oneself hence'
/-íisomera/ {both} v-refl-ben 'read s.t. to or by oneself'
/-íiyicarira/ {both} v-refl-ben 'sit oneself down, be seated; [ext] loaf, be idle, sit around (doing nothing)'
/iyumvire/ {both} v-refl-ben-imp 'Just listen!' (R37.4)
/wiikwiigéendera/ {Rwanda} v-refl-ben-jussive 'Don't go away!' (Overdulve 1975:221)
/kwíibeera mu ishyaamba/ {Rwanda} (R38.7), /kwíibeera mu ishaamba/ {Rundi} v-refl-ben-inf 'to just go on living in the forest'
/baríitweengera/ {both} v-refl-ben-ind-imm-dis 'They just laugh.' (R19)
/usaanga abaantu bávuga byó kwíivugira/ {Rwanda} v-refl-ben-inf 'You find people talking just for the sake of talking.'
/inkwí zó kwíiteekera/ {both} v-refl-ben-inf 'firewood just for cooking' (R34.4)

Note that all reflexive verbs are vowel roots which sometimes have special tonal patterns [e.g., the A2rule or the Jrule] and which cause affixes that precede them to lose their vowel. The high tonality of reflexives will be affected in the same way as other high-toned verbs are by various mood and tense combinations. The one exception is that in the indicative immediate the presence of one or more object infixes ahead of the reflexive prefix brings two tones to the derivation: one falls on the reflexive prefix itself [Irule] and the other on the first syllable of the root, which is the second syllable of the reflexive stem [Prule].
/jye niikuundira umwíijimá/ [Lrule] {Rwanda} v-ind-imm-con 'I prefer darkness.' (R28.3)
/abiíbuumbye/ [A2rule] {Rwanda} auto-n1-pl-imm-perf 'people who united' (R10)
/bíishimikije/ [1rule] {Rundi} v-part-aff-imm-perf 'they relying upon' (R39.2)
/iyó bahiigá baba bíiyambariye udukabutura/ [1rule] {Rwanda} v-part-aff-imm-impf 'When they hunt, they wear short pants.' (R38.2)
/atíivúuza/ [1rule + Prule] {both} v-part-neg-imm-impf 'He not getting himself treated ...' (R31.3)
/wiíbyaariye/ [2rule] {Rwanda} (R36.9), /wiívyaariye/ {Rundi} v-ind-pret-perf 'You having brought forth (into the world) ...'
/baárahamwíihaangaaniye/ [2rule + O2rule + Lrule] {Rwanda} v-ind-aff-pret-perf-dis+objx2 'They have resigned themselves there for him.' (Overdulve 1975:264)
/bamwé barabyíibóhera/ [Irule + Prule] {Rwanda} v-ind-aff-imm-impf-dis-refl+obj 'Some weave them for themselves.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:274)
/arayíibwíira/ [Irule + Prule] {both} v-ind-aff-imm-impf-dis-refl+obj 'He says them to himself.' (Overdulve 1975:264, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:327)
/turabíirégeesha/ [Irule + Prule] {Rundi} v-ind-aff-imm-impf-dis-refl+obj 'We confess to you.' (Cristini 2000:156)
/biíririimbiishaga/ [Jrule] {Rwanda} v-ind-aff-recent-impf-dis-refl 'They were making themselves sing.' (Kimenyi 2002:249)
/imáana ifasha abaantu biifásha/ [Prule] {both} v-rel-imm 'God helps those who help themselves.' (Overdulve 1975:220)

8.14. Valence (Verb Augments or Extensions)
In Kirundi and Kinyarwanda, as in Bantu languages generally, a series of suffixes can be added to a verb root in order to add another noun satellite or case relationship to the sentence (see §1.8.5).
/–úubaka/ {both} v-tr 'build something' > /–úubakira/ v-ben 'build something for someone' + beneficiary
/–vúga/ {both} v-tr 'say something' > /–vúgiisha/ v-caus 'make someone speak' + caused actor
/–rima/ {both} v-tr 'cultivate land' > /–rimiisha/ v-caus 'cultivate land with (a tool)' + instrument
/–menya/ {both} v-tr 'know something' > /–menyana/ v-recip 'know each other' + reciprocal

8.14.1. Benefactive or Applicative (-ir-, -er-, -irir-, -erer-)
The suffix -er- is added to stems that have the mid vowels /e/ or /o/, while -ir- is added to those with /i/, /u/ or /a/. It is called the applied or applicative in many textbooks. Its most general sense of doing something for, to, or on behalf of someone has prompted our use of the term benefactive.
/-vúgira/ {both} 'speak for, talk on behalf of someone' < /-vúga/ {both} v-tr 'say something, speak'
/-somera/ {both} 'read something to someone' < /-soma/ {both} v-tr 'read'
/-séenyera/ {both} 'gather firewood on behalf of someone' < /-séenya/ {both} v-tr 'gather firewood'
/-sabira/ {both} 'ask someone for something on behalf of someone else' < /-saba/ {both} v-ditr 'ask someone for something, request something of someone'
  /asabira umugaanga umurwáayi umutí/ {both} 'He asks the doctor for a remedy for the patient.' (Overdulve 1975:283, JN)
/mumuteékere/ {both} 'You should cook for him.' < /-téeka/ {both} v-tr 'cook, prepare food'

One must be aware that, based on context, the addition of this suffix does not always imply that the act is to someone's advantage, it can also have a negative implication (to the detriment of).
/yaámpemukiye/ {both} 'He failed me.' < /-hemuka/ {both} v-tr 'break (a promise), disappoint someone'
/igifátira mu mahahá/ {Rundi} 'one that attacks the lungs' (R31.1) < /-fáta/ {both} v-tr 'catch, seize'

In the perfective forms of both, the /r/ is dropped yielding /-iye/ or /-eye/. 
«Mwezi Gisabo yarwaniye Uburundi» {both} 'Mwezi Gisabo defended Burundi.' (R3)
«Béatrice yavukiye i Gitega» {both} 'Beatrice was born in Gitega.' (R17.1)
«barondeye uwo batuma ijambo barabura» {both} 'They looked for someone to speak on their behalf, but they couldn't find anyone.' (R11)
/bakeneye intaanga ngo biibónere utwáana/ {Rwanda} 'They need sperm to have children.' (R22)

Monosyllabic verbs with these extensions have long vowels; a few undergo distinctive sound changes.
/-giira/ {both} v-ben 'go for or on behalf of someone, go after' < /-ja/ {Rundi}, /-jya/ {Rwanda} v-intr 'go'
/-híira/ {both} v-ben 'be cooked or ripened for someone; burn at a specific place' < /-shá/ {Rundi}, /-shyá/ {Rwanda} v-inch 'get burned; be cooked, be ripe'
/-nywéera/ {both} v-ben 'drink from (a vessel); drink at (a specific place)' < /-nywá/ {both} v-tr 'drink'
/-ríira/ {both} v-ben 'eat on or at' < /-ryá/ {both} v-tr 'eat'
/-téera/ {both} v-ben 'throw something to someone; discard something for someone; lose something at (a specific location) < /-tá/ {both} v-tr 'drop, let something fall; throw (away)'

Sometimes, an entirely different English word may more accurately capture its sense, as with:
/-kórera/ {both} 'serve' < /-kóra/ {both} 'work'
/-ririra/ {both} 'mourn' < /-rira/ {both} 'cry'
/-rwaanira/ {both} 'defend, protect' < /-rwaana/ {both} 'fight'

Note that the addition of this suffix can make a simple transitive verb ditransitive, i.e., it will take two objects.
/-aandikira/ {both} v-ditr 'write s.t. to s.o., send a letter to s.o.' < /-aandika/ {both} v-tr 'write'
/-:zanira/ {both} v-ditr 'bring s.t. to or for s.o.' < /-:zana/ {both} v-tr 'bring, come with'

The addition of these suffixes can express the reason, goal, or purpose of an action.
/-kórera/ {both} 'do s.t. for (a reason)'
/-kúbitira/ {both} 'hit s.o. for (a reason)'
/ubácaaniira/ {Rwanda} 'who is the reason they light a fire' (R28.2)

With motion verbs it marks a destination meaning to or towards, otherwise it expresses a locality associated with an action. The place is usually marked by an appropriate preposition (§3.6.4).
/-geendera/ {Rundi} 'visit, frequent,' {Rwanda} 'go to; reach, arrive at' < /-geenda/ {both} v-intr 'go'
/-íirukira/ {both} 'run to some place' < /-íiruka/ {both} v-intr 'run, move quickly'
/-aambarira/ {both} 'dress up in or at (a given place)' < /-aambara/ {both} v-tr 'wear, put on (clothing)'
/aragíteerera ku rutúgu/ {Rundi} 'He throws it over his shoulder.' (R5)
«mugabo har'aho batonorera mu kanwa» {Rundi} 'However, there are times they peel straight into their mouths.' (R15)
/bakoréra murí iyo ntáará/ {both} '... who work in that region.' (R20)
/ubu ageendera ku mbago/ {Rwanda} 'Now she walks on crutches.' (R34.1)

It can express a certain or indefinite time, especially in constructions headed by /ahó/ or /ahw/.
«sinz' ahw azaazira» {Rwanda} 'I do not know when he will come.' (Hands 1952:251)
/simenyá ahó nzóoshikira/ {Rundi} 'I do not know when I will arrive.' (Cristini 2000:258)
/ahó yakóreye aranéezerewe/ {Rwanda} 'Since he is working, he has been happy.' (Overdulve 1975:207)
/tuzaaseengera mu ruseengero ku cyúumwéeru/ {Rwanda} 'We will pray in church on Sunday.' (Overdulve 1975:207)

The combination of this suffix with a word containing /z/ will result in sound-switching or metathesis (see §2.5.16).
/-báriza/ {Rundi} 'ask about, investigate into' < /-báza/ [*bazira] {both} 'ask, question'
/-taangaariza/ {Rwanda} 'inform s.o. about s.t.' < /-taangaaza/ [*taangaazira] {Rwanda} 'disseminate information, broadcast, announce, declare'
/-kíriza/ {both} 'cure s.o. for s.o. else; save s.o. for (a reason)' < /-kíza/ [*kizira] {both} 'heal, cure'
/-komereza/ {both} 'continue s.t. for s.o.' < /-komeza/ [*komezera] {both} 'continue s.t., carry on (with)'

A root can be inflected with either of these suffixes doubled, e.g., /-erer-/ or /-irir-/.
/-geenderera/ {Rwanda} 'visit, go to see someone' < /-geenda/ {both} 'go, leave'
/-híingirirana/ {Rwanda} 'cultivate for each other reciprocally and habitually' < /-híinga/ 'dig, cultivate'
/ahó yagúririye umurwáayi imití ntíyakíze/ {Rwanda} 'Ever since he bought medicines for the patient, the latter did not get well.' (Overdulve 1975:207) < /-guririra/ {Rwanda} 'buy s.t. for s.o. for a reason or over a given period of time'
«ari nawe witiriwe uburozi buba mu itabi bwitwa "Nikotini."» {Rwanda} '... after whom the active ingredient in tobacco, nicotine, was named.' (R26.2) < /-íitirira/ {both} 'attribute s.t. to s.o.; name s.o. for or because of'
«Iyumviririze namwe inkuru ya Bitama.» {Rundi} 'Just listen to the story about Bitama.'(R25.1)
/abasirikari beénshi baápfiiriye igihúgu cyáabo/ {Rwanda} 'Many soldiers have died for their country.' (Overdulve 1975:208)

When the adverb /hamwé/ 'together' appears, the benefactive suffix is often used.
/ntashobóra gukórera hamwé n'ábaándi/ {Rwanda} 'He is unable to work together with others.' (Hands 1952:251)
Cf: /bakoongera bagakora hamwé/ {Rundi} 'Moreover they worked together.' (R17.8)
«hari n'ubwo batekera hamwe» {Rwanda} 'There are times when they cook together.' (R38.3)
/abáana bató bagaburirwa hamwé na baanyina/ {both} 'Young children are fed together with their mothers.' (R38.3, JN)
/baravúgira hamwé/ {both} 'They are speaking together.' (Cristini 2000:258, JN, LN)
/turiríimbire hamwé/ {both} 'Let's sing together.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:208)
/tuzaateeranira hamwé/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:208), /tuzooteeranira hamwé/ {Rundi} (JN) 'We will get together.'

The use of this construction depends on context; /hamwé/ does not always trigger or require a benefactive verb.
«gushika aho bazoheba bakaja hamwe n'abandi» {Rundi} 'Until they will finally join the others.' (R29.7)
/ishírahámwe, amashírahámwe/ {Rundi} 'association' (R9)
/intéerahámwe/ {Rwanda} 'look-a likes (things of the same size or value); cronies (people of the same generation or with the same interests), mates (people who understand each other very well); [ext] Hutu political party; militia men' (R29.7)
8.14.2. Causative (-iish-, -eesh-)
The suffix -eesh- is added to stems that have the mid vowels /e/ or /o/, while -iish- is added to those with /i/, /u/ or /a/. English does not have a simple causative system, such as that found in Kirundi and Kinyarwanda. These two augments are commonly used with a wide variety of verbs with the implication that the action is made to happen or caused to occur. The extra noun case introduced refers to the caused actor.
/-fáshiisha/ {both} v-caus 'have someone help' < /-fásha/ {both} v-tr 'help, assist'
/-óonkeesha/ {both} v-caus 'make someone breastfeed' < /-óonka/ {both} v-intr 'suckle'
/-ruhiisha/ {both} v-caus 'fatigue, tire someone out' < /-ruha/ {both} v-inch 'get tired'
/-téekeesha/ {both} v-caus 'have someone cook something' < /-téeka/ {both} v-tr 'cook'
/kó yoorimenyéesha ibicíiro aguríishakó/ {Rundi} '. . . that they should inform it about the sale prices.' (R9)
/ivyúuma bikoréeshwa/ {Rundi} 'tools that are used' (R37.2)
/ababíkoreesha/ {both} 'the ones who use them' (R26)
/ndayígutéesha/ {both} 'I make you abandon them.' (R36.2)
/daatá aririimbiisha abashyitsi/ {Rwanda} 'Papa is making the visitors sing.' (Overdulve 1975:209)

This extension also introduces the instrument of an action.
/-áashiisha/ {both} v-caus 'chop something (with a tool)' < /-áasa/ {both} v-tr 'chop'
/-íiciisha/ {both} v-caus 'use something to kill' < /-íica/ {both} v-tr 'kill'
/-rimiisha/ {both} v-caus 'cultivate land with (a tool)' < /-rima/ {both} v-tr 'dig, cultivate'
/temeesha icyo gití intóorezo/ {Rwanda} 'Cut this tree with an ax.' (Overdulve 1975:209)
/caaniisha umuriro ziríiya nkwí/ {Rwanda} 'Light the fire with that firewood.' (Overdulve 1975:210)
/ndagukubitiisha inyuundo/ {both} 'I'm hitting you with a hammer.' (Cristini 2000:260)

Monosyllabic verbs with these extensions have long vowels; a few undergo distinctive sound changes.
/-giisha/ {both} v-caus 'make s.o. or s.t. go' < /-ja/ {Rundi}, /-jya/ {Rwanda} v-intr 'go'
/-híisha/ {both} v-caus 'make s.o. burn s.t.; cause s.o. to get burned; let s.t. be cooked' < /–shá/ {Rundi}, /–shyá/ {Rwanda} v-inch 'burn oneself, get burned'
/-nywéesha/ {both} v-caus 'have s.o. drink s.t.; give s.o. s.t. to drink; make s.o. drink' < /-nywá/ {both} v-tr 'drink'
/-pfúusha/ {both} v-caus 'kill; let s.o. die; lose (relative, friend) in death' < /-pfá/ {both} v-st 'die'
/-téesha/ {both} v-caus 'cause to lose; make s.o. abandon s.t.; cause s.t. that has been started to fail; interrupt' < /-tá/ {both} v-tr 'drop; discard'

In the perfective forms of both, an extra syllable is added and the /y/ changes to /j/, yielding /–iishije/ or /-eesheje/.
/umutwaáre yakóreesheje igitáramo iwé/ {Rwanda} 'A chief threw a party at his palace.' (R14) < /–kóreesha/ {both} 'employ; use; throw (a party)'
/haárakoreeshejwe/ {Rundi} (R37.4), /haákoreeshejwe/ {both} (JN, LN) 'There has been used ...'
/baáwuguriishije/ {both} 'They sold it.' (R35.1) < /-guriisha/ {both}'sell'
/bábiciishije/ {both} 'They making it pass ...' (R35.1) < /-cíisha/ {both} 'cause to cut; make s.t. pass'
/-ríishije/ {both} < /-ríisha/ {both} 'feed; make s.o. eat; eat s.t. with an utensil' < /-ryá/ {both} v-tr 'eat'

Sometimes, an entirely different English word may more accurately capture its sense.
/-guriisha/ {both} v-caus 'sell' (R9, R33, R35) < /-gura/ {both} v-tr 'buy'
/-bóneesha/ {both} v-caus 'show, demonstrate' (R37.3) < /-bóna/ {both} v-tr 'see, find, acquire'
/-aandikiisha/ {both} v-caus 'register, enroll someone in (a program)' < /-aandika/ {both} v-tr 'write'

8.14.3. Causative or Factitive (+y-)
The addition of -y- or palatalization is sometimes closer to what is called a factitive construction, rather than a causative one, i.e., the action is or has become a fact.
/-bábaza/ {both} v-caus 'hurt someone, cause someone to be in pain' < /-bábara/ {both} v-st 'be hurt'
/-kíza/ {both} v-caus 'cure, heal, make well; save (s.o.); enrich' < /-kíra/ {both} v-st 'heal, be healed or cured; be in good health; be saved or delivered from s.t. troublesome or annoying'
/-geenza/ {both} v-tr 'make s.o. go or walk; drive (vehicle); conduct oneself; treat, behave towards; deal with (a matter), manage (affairs)' < /-geenda/ {both} v-intr 'go, walk'
/-óoza/ {both} v-tr 'wash, rinse' < /-óoga/ {both} v-intr 'immerse, be in water; bathe'
/-gumya/ {Rundi} v-caus 'keep, preserve, maintain,' {Rwanda} 'hold tightly, hold with both hands; [ext] be stingy or miserly' < /-guma/ {both} v-intr 'be firm, hard, solid, stable'
/-yobya/ {Rwanda} v-caus 'lead s.o. into error' < /-yoba/ {both} v-intr 'lose (one's way), get lost; err (in counting or speaking)'

Unlike formations in -iish- or -eesh-, the factitive can be highly idiomatic. In some cases the verbs so derived can have drastically different meanings which can only be differentiated by context.
/-rwáaza/ {both} v-caus 'sicken, make s.o. sick' < /-rwáara/ {both} v-st 'be sick, feel ill; ache'
  /ibi byókuryá birarwáaza umwáana/ {Rwanda} 'This food will make the child sick.' (Overdulve 1975:210)
/-rwáaza/ {both} v-tr 'nurse, aid or help s.o. who is sick; have s.o. who is sick in one's household'
  /uyu mugabo ararwáaza umwáana/ {both} 'This man helps the sick child.' (Overdulve 1975:210)
  /uyu mugabo arwaaje umwáana/ {both} 'This man has a sick child.' (Overdulve 1975:211)
/-ramutsa/ {both} v-tr 'greet, salute; wish s.o. well; welcome' < /-ramuka/ {both} v-intr 'rise, get up in the morning'
  /ava haasí aramutsa amahoro» {Rundi} 'He stood up and gave the greeting "Peace!"' (R11)

The following exemplify the contrast of -sh- and -y- forms.
/-vúgiisha/ {both} v-caus 'make s.o. speak, cause to speak; chat, talk with s.o., have a conversation'
/-vúza/ {both} v-caus 'have s.o. speak, whistle; play (instrument), beat (a drum); make s.t. sound'
/arahámagaza umwáana/ {both} 'He is sending for the child.' (LN)
/arahámagariisha umwáana ingoma/ {both} 'He is summoning the child by means of a drum.' (LN)

When the stem ends in -r, the perfective forms of these factitives are unpredicable and will have to be memorized for each individual verb. Otherwise, the original stem consonant returns (for roots with d, g, m), an extra syllable with /i/ or /e/ is added (a disyllabic imperfective becomes a trisyllabic perfective stem), and the /y/ or /z/ changes to /j/ yielding /-ije/ or /-eje/.
g > z /-haagije/ < /-haaza/ {both} v-caus 'suffice, be enough; cause to become full or sated' < /-haaga/ {both} 'eat enough'
  /yáa mafaranga yaráhaagije/ {both} 'That money was enough.' (Overdulve 1975:211)
g > z /-óogeje/ < /-óoza/ {both} v-tr 'wash, rinse' < /-óoga/ {both} v-intr 'immerse, be in water; bathe'
d > z /-geenjeje/ < /-geenza/ {both} v-tr 'make s.o. go or walk'< /-geenda/ {both} v-intr 'go, walk'
d > z /-tiindije/ < /-tiinza/ {Rwanda} 'delay, make s.o. late' < /-tiinda/ {both} v-intr 'be late'
m + y /-gumije/ < /-gumya/ [see above] < /-guma/ {both} v-intr 'be firm, hard, solid, stable'
t > sh /-rushije/ < /-rusha/ {both} v-tr 'surpass, excel' < /-ruta/ {both} v-tr 'exceed'
r > z /-éejeje/ < /-éeza/ {both} v-caus 'whiten, brighten' < /-éera/ {both} v-st 'be or become white'
r > z /-kíjije/ < /-kíza/ {both} v-caus 'cure, heal' [see above] < /-kíra/ {both} v-st 'be healed'

exceptions (extra syllable not added)
r > z /-bábaje/ < /-bábaza/ v-caus 'hurt' [see above] < /-bábara/ {both} v-st 'be hurt'
r > z /-húuje/ < /-húuza/ {both} v-caus 'put in contact, unite, cause people to come together' < /-húura/ {both} v-st 'come together, meet'
r > z /-rwáaje/ < /-rwáaza/ {both} v-caus 'sicken' [see above] < /-rwáara/ {both} v-st 'be sick'
r > z /-tiije/ < /-tiiza/ {both} v-caus 'lend s.t. to s.o.' < /-tiira/ {both} v-tr 'borrow, ask for a loan'

Sometimes, an entirely different English word may more accurately capture its sense.
/-aanduza/ {both} v-caus 'contaminate, infect' < /-aandura/ {both} v-st 'get dirty; contract (disease)'
/-éemeza/ {both} v-caus 'confirm, attest, acknowledge' < /-éemera/ {both} v-tr 'agree, accept'
/-guza/ {Rwanda} v-caus 'borrow money, ask for a loan' < /-gura/ {both} v-tr 'buy, purchase'

8.14.4. Reciprocal, Mutual, or Associative Verbs (-an-)
The addition of the suffix -an- generally indicates that the agents or subjects are doing an action to each other (mutual) or with one another (reciprocal). In these instances the subject is always plural.
/-geendana/ {both} v-recip 'go together' < /-geenda/ {both} v-intr 'go, walk'
/-kúundana/ {both} v-recip 'love one another' < /-kúunda/ {both} v-tr 'love'
/tuzaabonana ubuúndi/ {Rwanda} 'We will see each other at some other time.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:259)
/umwáana avuutsé kurí umwé mu baároongoranye/ {Rundi} 'A child who was born to only one of the married couple.' (R13)
/twaámenyaniye mu kazi/ {both} 'We have known each other at work.' (Jacob #2 1986:347)
/ubwó zaa gaári ya moóshi ebyiri zaágoonganaga/ {Rwanda} 'When two trains collided ...' (R8b)
/imaánza z'ábaantu batuumvíikana bapfá ibiintu bitóoyá nkó gusuuzugurana, gutúkana/ {Rwanda} 'Disputes among people who have a misunderstanding, who quarrel over trivial matters such as criticizing each other, insulting one another.' (R40.4)

With a direct object, using an -an- verb implies that the object does not participate in the action; however, if the following noun is marked with na- it implies the action is mutual. Note that in these instances the subject may be singular.
/impumyi igeendana inkoni/ {both} 'A blind person walks with a cane.' (Overdulve & Jacob 199:261)
/yaríirukanye ibitéero vy'áabáarabú/ {Rundi} 'He pursued the Arab troops.' (R3)
/kukó navúukanye amaguru abiri nk'ábaándi/ {both} '... because I was born with two legs like other people' (R34.2)
/umubyéeyi ageendana akáana ké/ {Rwanda} 'The mother walks with her baby.' [it is on her back and is not itself walking] (Overdulve 1975:212)
/umubyéeyi arageendana n'úumwáana wé/ {Rwanda} 'The mother is walking with her child.' [it is also walking] (Overdulve 1975:213)
/yakorana néezá n'ábaándi/ {Rundi} (R17.7), /yakoranaga néezá n'ábaándi/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'She worked well with others.'
/peetéro ajaana abáana/ {Rundi} 'Peter escorts the children.' (Cristini 2000:264)
/peetéro ajaana n'áabáana/ {Rundi} 'Peter goes with the children.' (Cristini 2000:264)

It also expresses the manner of an action.
/uyu mwaána arageendana ubwóoba/ {both} 'This child walks with fear.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:260
/umugoré aravúgana agahiinda/ {both} 'The woman is talking with sorrow.' (Kimenyi 1980:84)
/abakózi báacu bakorana umweéte/ {both} 'Our workers work with dedication' (Overdulve 1975:212)

Monosyllabic verbs with these extensions have long vowels, but no distinctive sound changes.
/-báana/ {both} v-cop-recip 'be with one another; live together'< /-bá/ {both} v-cop 'be, become'
/-háana/ {both} v-recip 'give to each other, exchange' < /-há/ {both} v-ditr 'give s.t. to s.o.'
/-nywáana/ {both} v-recip 'drink together; [fig] be friends' < /-nywá/ {both} v-tr 'drink'

The perfective forms are regular: /n/ + /ye/ yields /-nye/.
/twaazananye/ {Rundi} (JN), /twaazanye/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:261) 'We came together.'
/baáraazánye inzogá/ {Rundi} 'They brought the beer.' (Cristini 2000:264)
/uríiya musóre twaáriiganye/ {both} 'I studied together with that young man.' [lit. 'That young man we studied together.'] (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:261, JN)
/abasirikari beénshi baápfaanye muu ntaambara/ {both} 'Many soldiers died together in the fight.' (Overdulve 1975:213, JN)
/urí uwo aguráanye ijana/ {Rundi} 'You being the one from whom he borrows one hundred.' (R25.3)

Sometimes, the idea of reciprocity does not carry over into the English translation.
/háno hari iimbwá iryáana/ {both} 'Beware of dog!' [lit. 'Here there is a dog that bites.'] (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:261, JN)
/ahorana inzara/ {both} 'He is always hungry.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:261)

8.14.5. Attributive or Stative (-ik-, -ek-)
The suffix -ek- is added to stems that have the mid vowels /e/ or /o/, while -ik- is added to those with /i/, /u/ or /a/, and -k- is added to verbs ending in /-ra/. This construction is called neuter in many publications, but that term normally refers to nouns that are neither masculine nor feminine (i.e., gender-neutral) or else to verbs that are neither active nor passive (i.e., voice-neutral). However, these two suffixes have the force of turning a verb into an adjective-like or attributive construction (§6.5), the translation of which is often closest to the English suffixes -able or -ible. In other instances, the resulting verb may be translated as get or become verb or even be easy to verb.
/-bóheka/ {both} v-atr 'be easily tied' < /-bóha/ {both} v-tr 'tie, bind'
/-máanyuka/ {both} v-atr 'be broken, get disrupted < /-máanyura/ {both} v-tr 'break (up, into pieces), fracture; detach;' cf: /ikimaányu/ {both} n4-sg 'slice, piece, fraction, portion, morsel'
/-seeseka/ {both} v-atr 'be spread out (beyond borders)' < /-seesa/ {both} v-intr 'pour, spread; throw out onto the gound'
/uwuhávunikira/ {Rundi} auto-n1-sg-imm+obj 'one who breaks a bone there' (R23) < /-vúnika/ {both} v-atr 'get broken, be fractured'
/uyu murimá urahíingika/ {Rwanda} 'This field is easy to cultivate.' (Overdulve 1975:235)
«Uwo muhisi yari umuntu yitaho umwuga wiwe bimwe biboneka» {Rundi} 'The departed was a person who obviously cared for her professsion.' (R17.7)

Monosyllabic verbs with these extensions have long vowels and are formed from the perfective stem.
/-pfuuka/ {both} v-atr 'be dead (of hair), get defeathered' < /-pfá, -pfúuye/ {both} v-st 'die'
/-ríika/ {both} v-atr 'be edible; get eaten' < /-ryá, -ríiye/ {both} v-tr 'eat'
/-seeka/ {both} v-atr 'be grindable, be easily ground' < /-sya, -seeye/ {both} v-tr 'grind'

The perfective forms regularly exhibit a single sound change: /k/ + /ye/ yields /-tse/.
/navunitse ukuguru/ {both} 'I fractured my leg.' (Overdulve 1975:236) < /–vúnika/ {both} v-atr 'get broken; be fractured'
/amaferi yacíitse/ {Rwanda} 'defective brakes' (R16) < /–cíika/ {both} v-atr 'break, rupture'
«ivyiyumviro bigayitse vy'ihonyabwoko» {Rundi} 'the despicable ideas of genocide' (R29.7) < /–gayika/ {both} 'be despicable, contemptible'

8.14.6. Reversives (Transitive -uur-, -oor-; Intransitive -uuk-, -ook-)
The augment -uur- is added to stems that have the vowels /a/, /e/, /i/, or /u/, while -oor- to stems that have /o/. These have the effect of creating a transitive verb with the reverse meaning of the root, similar to English prefixes such as un- or dis-. The augment -uuk- is suffixed on stems that have the vowels /a/, /e/, /i/, or /u/, while -ook- on stems that have /o/. These latter augments create an intransitive verb. This system is not used on all verbs (i.e., it is not as productive as the benefactive or causative augments) and the appropriate English meaning is not readily predictable. The student will have to learn which verbs can take these suffixes and should carefully study their meanings.
/-áanura/ {both} v-rev-tr 'bring things in from (the sun, the rain)' < /-áanika/ {both} v-tr 'expose to the sun, put s.t. out into the sun (to dry)'
/-fuunguura/ {both} v-rev-tr 'open' < /-fuunga/ {both} v-tr 'close, shut'
/-híshuura/ {both} v-rev-tr 'disclose, reveal' < /-hísha/ {both} v-tr 'hide, conceal'
/-pfúkuura/ {both} v-rev-tr 'uncover; disclose' < /-pfúka/ {both} v-tr 'cover'
/-rogoora/ {both} v-rev-tr 'give s.o. an antidote (to a poison)' < /-roga/ {both} v-tr 'cast a spell (upon)'
/-róotoora/ {both} v-rev-tr 'relate or tell a dream; explain a dream' < /-róota/ {both} v-tr 'dream'
/-ruhuuka/ {both} v-rev-intr 'rest, relax' < /-ruha/ {both} v-inch 'get tired, be fatigued or exhausted'
/-taahuuka/ {both} v-rev-intr 'come back home after a long absence, come back from afar' < /-taaha/ {both} v-intr 'go home, come back'
/-tebuuka/ {both} v-rev-intr 'rush, hurry' < /-teba/ {both} v-intr 'be late, loiter'
/-uururuka/ {both} v-rev-intr 'climb down, descend' < /-úurira/ {both} v-tr 'climb, go up s.t.'
/-bóhooka/ {both} v-rev-intr 'come untied, get undone (knot)' < /-bóha/ {both} v-tr 'tie, bind'
/-bóhoora/ {both} v-rev-tr 'untie; release, set free' < /-bóha/ {both} v-tr 'tie, bind'
/-kiinguura/ {both} v-rev-tr 'open; unlock' < /-kiinga/ {both} v-tr 'close, shut (window); lock (door)'
/-kiinguuka/ {both} v-rev-st 'be open, get opened; be unlocked' < /-kiinga/ {both} v-tr 'close'
«woweho ni uguhugura.» {Rwanda} 'As far as you're concerned, you only need a refresher course.' (R4)
«wagira ngo nca nkurekura?» {Rundi} 'Did you think that I would immediately release you?' (R27.3)

The perfective forms regularly exhibit the expected sound changes: /r/ + /ye/ yields /-ye/ (the /r/ drops) and /k/ + /ye/ yields /-tse/.
/-aambuye/ {both} < /-aambura/ v-rev-ditr 'undress, remove clothing'
/-rekuye/ {both} < /-rekura/ v-rev-tr 'release, set free'
/-kosooye/ {both} < /-kosoora/ v-rev-tr 'fix up, correct a mistake'
/-tóoye/ {both} < /-tóora/ v-rev-tr 'choose, pick out, select' < /-tá/ {both} v-tr 'drop; discard, get rid of'
/-áagutse/ {both} < /-áaguka/ v-rev-st 'become enlarged; be vast, spacious' < /-áaga/ {both} v-st 'be narrow'
/-húguutse/ {Rwanda} < /-húguuka/ v-rev-st 'pay attention' < /-húga/ {Rwanda} 'be distracted'
/-nóhotse/ {Rundi} < /-nóhoka/ v-rev-st 'get thin, waste away' [Cf: /umunóho/ {Rundi} n1-sg 'glutton']
/-raandutse/ {both} < /-raanduka/ v-rev-st 'get uprooted' < /-raanda/ {both} v-intr 'creep (of a plant)']
/-ruhuutse/ {both} < /-ruhuuka/ v-rev-intr 'rest, relax' [above]

8.14.7. Intensive or Repetitive (-agur-, -agir-, -agagur-, -agar-)
The augment -agur- is added to a limited number of stems of more than one syllable that have the vowels /e/, /o/, or /u/, while -agir- appears on a few stems with /a/ or /i/. Monosyllabic roots are inflected with -agagur-. There is also a less commonly used alternate -agar-. These affixes imply that an action is repeated many times or takes place over a long period of time. They may also serve simply to intensify a verb.
/-hoondagura/ {both} v-repet 'flog, thrash, hit again and again' < /-hoonda/ {both} v-tr 'beat, hit, strike'
/-kúbitagura/ {both} v-repet 'thrash soundly, strike again and again' < /-kúbita/ {both} v-tr 'beat, hit'
/-ménagura/ {both} v-repet 'break s.t. to bits or into several pieces, crush to smithereens' < /-ména/ {both} v-tr 'break, shatter'
/-rimagura/ {both} v-repet 'dig quickly, with short strokes' < /-rima/ {both} v-tr 'dig, hoe, cultivate land'
/-kinagira/ {both} v-repet 'play hard,; play and play' < /-kina/ {both} v-tr 'play, enjoy oneself'
/-cáagagura/ {Rwanda} v-repet 'cut into small pieces' < /-cá/ {both} v-tr 'cut, slice'
/-nyaagagura/ {Rwanda} v-repet 'defecate often, constantly go to the toilet' < /-nnya/ {both} v-tr 'defecate'
/-ryáagagura/ {Rundi} v-repet 'insult s.o., speak harsh words to s.o.;' {Rwanda} 'eat voraciously, eat without stopping' < /-ryá/ {both} v-tr 'eat'
/-táagagura/ {Rwanda} v-repet 'lose things here and there; squander (one's wealth)' < /-tá/ {both} v-tr 'drop; throw away, discard'
/-téembagara/ {both} v-repet 'topple, tumble down or over' < /-téemba/ {both} v-intr 'slope (downwards)'
/ikakigaragura/ {both} v-repet-seq-narr+obj 'Then it stirs it around again and again.' (R12)
/báatémaguranye/ {both} v-repet-part-recent-perf 'They having (recently) cut each other to pieces ...' (R24.4)
/indíriimbo ihayágiza igihúgu/ {Rundi} 'the national anthem' [-hay-agir/z-a; lit. 'song that sings the praises of the country'] (R29.1)
/tutiiríwe turadóondagura háno/ {Rundi} '... that we do not take the trouble to narrate in detail.' (R37.3)

The perfective forms regularly exhibit the expected sound changes: /r/ + /ye/ yields /-ye/ (/r/ > Ø).
/-gaandaguye/ < /-gaandagura/ {Rundi} v-repet 'kill, liquidate'
/-síragiye/ < /-síragira/ {Rwanda} v-repet 'come and go repeatedly; go back and forth often'
/-témaguye/ < /-témagura/ {both} v-repet 'shred, cut up (into smaller pieces)'

8.14.8. Durative or Frequentative (-iriz-, -erez-)
The suffix -erez- is added to stems that have the mid vowels /e/ or /o/, while -iriz- is added to those with /i/, /u/ or /a/. These durative or frequentative verb augments have the sense of do verb persistently, repeatedly, or over a prolonged time.
/-henereza/ {both} v-freq 'keep bending over with one's butt protruding (bare-topped or naked)' < /-hena/ {both} v-intr 'bend over (showing one's butt, but not necessarily bare), moon; [ext] be naked'
/-kórereza/ {Rwanda} v-freq 'make a living from day to day by farming for others (day labor)' < /-kóra/ {both} v-tr 'work'
/-hítiriza/ {Rundi} v-freq 'pass by unnoticed, sneak through' < /-híta/ {both} v-intr 'pass (by, over)'
/-sabiriza/ {both} v-freq 'beg without stop, ask for s.t. repeatedly; live like a beggar' < /-saba/ {both} v-ditr 'ask, request'
/-úumviriza/ {both} v-freq 'listen carefully, pay close attention' < /-úumva/ {both} v-tr 'hear, listen'
/-ziririza/ {both} v-freq 'scrupulously observe taboos' < /-zira/ {both} v-st 'be forbidden, prohibited, taboo'

The perfective forms regularly substitute /-je/ for /-za/.
/-gumirije/ < /-gumiriza/ {both} v-freq 'continue s.t. indefinitely'
/-henereje/ < /-henereza/ {both} v-freq 'keep bending over' [above]
/-sabirije/ < /-sabiriza/ {both} v-freq 'beg without stop' [above]

8.14.9. Multiple Augments
Most of the verb extensions detailed in the above sections can co-occur, but rarely in the high number of combinations exemplified in some of the textbooks. Table 106, derived from Overdulve (1975:237), outlines the order in which multiple augments are generally placed. Note that the order of benefactive and reciprocal augments can be inverted.

Table 106. Typical Order of Co-occurring Verb Augments
repet
-agur- / -agir- / -agagur-	caus
-iish- / -eesh-	ben
-ir- / -er-
-irir- / -erer-	recip
-an-	caus
(fact)
-y-
-z-
-ez-	pass
-w-	
rev
-uuk- / -ook-
-uur- / -oor-	atr
-ik- / -ek-	recip
-an-	ben
-ir- / -er-			

However, there cannot be hard and fast rules, because it depends on the nature of the verb stem, e.g., is it a causative verb with a reciprocal augment?, or is it a reciprocal verb with a causative augment?
/-kóreeshanya/ {both} v-caus+recip 'make work together'
/-áankaniisha/ {Rundi}, /-áanganiisha/ {Rwanda} v-recip+caus 'excite hatred among, turn s.o. against another'
/-menyaniisha/ {both} v-recip+caus 'introduce s.o. to s.o. else' [lit. 'make people know each other']

The following represent some "real world" instances of two or more affix combinations.
«Abadandaza bawugurishiriza mu kinyegero ku giciro c'umurengera» {Rundi} v-caus+ben+fact 'Merchants sell it secretly at an excessive price.' (R35.1)
/azooshikirizwa/ {Rundi} v-ben+fact+pass 'They will be forwarded to ... ' (R9)
/baragerekeranye/ {both} v-ben+recip 'They are on top of one another.' (R31.2)
/haárakoreeshejwe/ {Rundi} v-caus+pass 'There has been used ... ' (R37.4)
/kugwiiriirana/ {Rundi} v-ben+recip 'to increase' (R37.3)
/níimugirírana/ {Rwanda} v-ben+recip 'If you have for each other ...' (R28.10)
/-shúuhiriza/ {Rundi}, /-shyúuhiriza/ {Rwanda} v-ben+fact 'warm s.t. up for s.o.'
/twaábitaangaarijwe/ {both} v-ben+fact+pass '... that we were informed about it.' (R24)
/uwuhávunikira/ {Rundi} v-atr+ben 'one who breaks a bone there' (R23)
/waráhabiishijwe/ {both} v-caus+pass 'You have been overwhelmed.' (R21)
/wuúmviikaniye/ {both} v-atr+recip+ben 'who was heard on (the radio)' (R20)
/zikaba zíciibonekeza/ {Rundi} v-atr+fact 'They still attract notice.' (R37.4)
/záagaragajwe/ {both} v-fact+pass 'They being shown ...' (R10)

8.15. Voice (Passive)
The Bantu suffix -w- allows the subject and object of a sentence to be reversed. This suffix always comes just before the final aspect suffix of the verb. This construction is reasonably straightforward when forming passives with the endings -a or -e (i.e., affirmative or negative imperfective, subjunctive, etc.).
/-híshwa, -híshwe/ {both} v-pass 'be hidden' < /-hísha/ {both} v-tr 'hide, conceal'
/-kámwa, -kámwe/ {both} v-pass 'be milked' < /-káma/ {both} v-tr 'milk (a cow)'
/-remwa, -remwe/ {both} v-pass 'be created' < /-rema/ {both} v-tr 'create, form'
/-tíinywa, -tíinywe/ {both} v-pass 'be feared' < /-tíinya/ {both} v-tr 'fear, be afraid of'

However, several sound changes affect the perfective form of passive verbs, namely palatalization, velarization, and metathesis (§2.5.16), so that many perfective forms barely seem to resemble their imperfective counterparts. These pairs should be memorized.
d > z /-kúundwa, -kúunzwe/ {both} v-pass 'be loved' < /-kúunda/ {both} v-tr 'love'
d > z /-ruundwa, -ruunzwe/ {both} v-pass 'be piled up' < /-ruunda/ {both} v-tr 'pile up, amass'
g > z /-fuungwa, -fuunzwe/ {both} v-pass 'be closed' < /-fuunga/ {both} v-tr 'close, shut'
g > z /-saangwa, -saanzwe/ {both} v-pass 'be usual' < /-saanga/ {both} v-tr 'go towards'
k > ts /-bíikwa, -bíitswe/ {both} v-pass 'be stored' < /-bíika/ {both} v-tr 'store, put s.t. away'
k > ts /-téekwa, -téetswe/ {both} v-pass 'be cooked' < /-téeka/ {both} v-tr 'cook'
n > ny /-:zanwa, -:zanywe/ {both} v-pass 'be brought' < /-:zana/ {both} v-recip 'bring, come with'
r > Ø /-téerwa, -téewe/ {both} v-pass 'be caused' < /-téera/ {both} v-tr 'cause, provoke, elicit'
r > Ø /-twáarwa, -twáawe/ {both} v-pass 'be taken away' < /-twáara/ {both} v-tr 'carry, take away'
r > z /-gurwa, -guzwe/ {both} v-pass 'be sold' < /-gura/ {both} v-tr 'buy, purchase; sell, trade'
s > sh /-meswa, -meshwe/ {both} v-pass 'be washed' < /-mesa/ {both} v-tr 'wash, launder'
t > s /-íitwa, -íiswe/ {both} v-pass 'be named' < /-íita/ {both} v-tr 'name s.o.'
t > sh /-fátwa, -fáshwe/ {both} v-pass 'be caught' < /-fáta/ {both} v-tr 'catch, seize'
y > Ø /-gawa, -gawe/ {both} v-pass 'be despised' < -/gaya/ {both} v-tr 'despise, scorn, have contempt for'
z > j /-garagazwa, -garagajwe/ {both} v-pass 'be shown' < /-garagaza/ {both} v-caus 'show'
/abashíinzwe/ {both} auto-n1-pl-imm-perf-pass 'the ones who are responsible for' (R16) < /-shiingwa/ {both} v-pass 'be fixed or established; [ext] be responsible for, be in charge of'
/iyi mpanuka idasaanzwé ngo yaaba yáratéewe n'ámaferi yacíitse/ {Rwanda} v-part-pret-perf-pass 'This unusual accident, it is believed, may have been caused by defective brakes.' (R16) < /-téerwa/ {both} v-pass 'be caused'
/bitaama yarákuundwa hóóse/ {Rundi} v-ind-pret-impf-pass 'Bitama was loved everywhere.' (R25) < /–kúundwa/ {both} v-pass 'be loved'
/akarwa kiitwá ijwí/ {Rwanda} v-rel-imm-pass 'A small island called Ijwi.' (R20) < /-íitwa/ {both} v-pass 'be named'
/wiitwa ndé?/ {both} v-ind-imm-pass 'What's your name?' [lit: 'Who are you called?'] (Rodegem 1970:195)
/imáana ishiimwé/ {both} v-sub-imm-pass 'God be praised!' (Overdulve 1975:194) < /-shiimwa/ {both} v-pass 'be appreciated, be approved of; get praised'
/tweereke ingéne wafashwé/ {Rundi} v-rel-recent-perf-pass 'Show us how you were caught.' (R27.9) < /-fátwa/ {both} v-pass 'be caught'
/haári hátumiwe abaantu bóóse/ {Rundi} v-part-imm-perf-pass 'Everybody was invited.' (R29.3) < 
/-túmirwa/ {both} v-pass 'be summoned, get invited'
/ntaa butaáyu buharaángwa/ {Rwanda} v-rel-imm-pass+obj 'There is no sign of arid land there.' (R32) < /-raangwa/ {both} v-pass 'be characterized, be identified'
/babijeéjwe/ {Rundi} v-rel-imm-perf-pass+obj 'who are responsible for it' (R35.4) < /-zéezwa/ {Rundi} v-pass 'be someone who can be counted upon'
«Ubu rero barahumiriza bakemera bakazimbwa» {Rundi} v-seq-imm-pass 'So they just close their eyes and resign themselves to being overcharged.' (R35.4) < /-ziimbwa/ {Rundi} v-pass 'be overcharged'

Causative passives have syllable addition in their perfective forms, i.e., –eeshwa > –eeshejwe or –iishwa > –iishijwe.
/-íigiishwa, -íigishijwe/ {both} v-caus-pass 'be taught'
/-téeshwa, -téeshejwe/ {both} v-caus-pass 'cause s.o. to lose s.t. {Rwanda}; {Rundi} [ext] be contradicted'
/-vúgiishwa, -vúgiishijwe/ {both} v-caus-pass 'made a slip of the tongue'

Monosyllabic roots form their imperfective passive by adding a b, i.e., /-bw-/. Due to sound change, the perfective forms always end in /-we/.
/-báabwa, -báawe/ {Rwanda} v-pass 'be' [special passive idiom] < /-bá/ {both} v-cop 'be, become; live'
/-cíibwa, -cíiwe/ {both} v-pass 'be cut; be arbitrated' < /-cá/ {both} v-tr 'cut, slice, sever'
/-giibwa, -giiwe/ {Rwanda} v-pass 'be frequented' < /-jya/ {Rwanda} v-motion 'go (to, towards)'
/-guubwa, -guuwe/ {both} v-pass 'be fallen' < /-gwa/ {both} v-intr 'fall'
/-háabwa, -háawe/ {both} v-pass 'be given' < /-há/ {both} v-ditr 'give s.t. to s.o.'
/-kóobwa, -kóowe/ {both} v-pass 'be paid (of a dowry)' < /-kwá/ {both} v-tr 'pay a dowry'
/-moobwa, -moowe/ {both} v-pass 'be shaved' < /-mwa/ {both} v-tr 'shave'
/-neebwa, -neewe/ {both} v-pass 'be excreted' < /-nnya/ {both} v-tr 'defecate, go to the toilet'
/-nyóobwa, -nyóowe/ {both} v-pass 'be drunk' < /-nywá/ {both} v-tr 'drink'
/-ríibwa, -ríiwe/ {both} v-pass 'be eaten' < /-ryá/ {both} v-tr 'eat'
/-seebwa, -seewe/ {both} v-pass 'be ground' < /-sya/ {both} v-tr 'grind'
/-táabwa, -táawe/ {both} v-pass 'be discarded' < /-tá/ {both} v-tr 'drop, let s.t. fall; discard'
/-vuubwa, -vuuwe/ {both} v-pass 'be exited' < /-va/ {both} v-intr 'leave, exit'

Note that the use of the passive is far more frequent and idiomatic in Kirundi and Kinyarwanda than it is in English. Even intransitive verbs can have a passive in order to form an impersonal construction.
«Iyi nzu n'iyo kubabwamo n'umwami.» {Rwanda} 'This is a house fit for a king to live in.' [lit. 'to be lived in by a king'] (Hands 1952:281)
/agiiye ibugiíbwa/ {Rwanda} 'He is going to his usual hangout.' [lit. 'to a place being frequented'] (Bizimana 1998:233)

8.16. Irregular Verbs
There is a small set of verbs shared between Kirundi and Kinyarwanda that lack complete paradigms common to most verb roots, e.g., no perfective form (–sa), no imperfective form (–físe / –fíte, –:ziranye), no past forms, etc. Most have a very limited set of inflections. And a few irregularly end in -i, (-rí, -':zi, -ruuzi, -:zinanyi) rather than -a. Each dialect also has a few unique roots, e.g., /-méengo/ {Rundi}, /-ruuzi/ {Rwanda}. The locative copulative /-rí/ is irregular, but will be treated in the section on copulative verbs (§8.17.2) just below.

8.16.1. The Possessive Verbs
Kirundi and Kinyarwanda each have its own root to express possession or ownership. These forms appear to be perfective (which is a standard conjugation for a stative verb) and there is no imperfective version. The recent and the preterit are formed from the auxiliary /-rí/ and appropriate participials. There are forms in the indicative, participial, relative, and autonome. The standard verbal synonym for these is: /-gira/ {both} 'have, hold, own, possess.'

/-físe/ {Rundi} 'have, own, possess' (Cristini 2000:242f)
/bitaama yari áafíse abageenzi benshi/ v-ir-poss-cmp-pret {Rundi} 'Bitama had many friends.' (R25)
/ntaa báana bafisé/ {Rundi} v-ir-poss-rel-imm 'They don't have any children.' {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:243)
/abafíse améenyo/ {Rundi} v-ir-poss-auto-n1-pl-imm 'those who have teeth' (Cristini 2000:243)
/bamufitiye isharí/ {both} v-ir-poss-ben-ind-imm+obj 'They are jealous of him.' [lit. 'They have jealousy for him.'] (Cristini 2000:243)

/-fíte/ {Rwanda} 'have, own, possess' (Overdulve 1975:147)
/mfite umuriro/ {Rwanda} v-ir-poss-ind-imm 'I have a fever.' (Bizimana 1998:204)
/muracyáafite ibitabo/ {Rwanda} v-ir-poss-ind-persist 'You still have books.' (Overdulve 1975:230)
/ntaa ntegé mfité/ {Rwanda} v-ir-poss-rel-imm 'I don’t have energy.' [lit. 'There is no energy that I have.'] (Jacob 1984 #1:290)
/abiífite/ {Rwanda} v-ir-poss-auto-n1-pl-imm 'wealthy people'
/amfitiye amafaraanga ijana/ {Rwanda} v-ir-poss-ben-ind-imm+obj 'He owes me one hundred francs.' [lit. 'He has for me one hundred francs.'] (Bizimana 1998:204)
/ufite kujya kwíivuuza/ {Rwanda} v-ir-poss-aux-ind-imm 'You have to go seek treatment.' (Jacob 1984 #1:290) [Note: aux + inf in a sense of obligation]

8.16.2. The Cognitive Verbs
There is a small set of verbs, only one of which, /-':zi/, is shared by both dialects, that expresses some form of knowing (e.g., supposing, perceiving, or being acquainted).
/-méengo/ {Rundi} [Alt: -méenga] 'say (that); suppose, believe, think, have an impression (that); seem (to be so)' (Cristini 2000:245, Rodegem 1967:90 and 1970:262, Ntahokaja 1994:182). This defective verb form is generally used in the indicative immediate, recent, and conditional tenses in the second person singular [pro-2sg] or group one plural [n1-pl] to imply an impersonal construction. It can also be used in a sequence or subsecutive construction.
/umeengo ntaa gatíma mugirá/ {Rundi} v-ir-ind-imm 'One gets the impression that you don't have much courage.' (Rodegem 1967:90)
/bameengo/ {Rundi} v-ir-ind-imm 'People believe that ...' (Rodegem 1967:90 & 1970:262)
/nameengo/ {Rundi} v-ir-ind-recent 'I got the impression that ...' (Ntahokaja 1994:182)
/woomeenga níwe/ {Rundi} v-ir-ind-cond 'One would suppose that it is him.' (Rodegem 1970:262)
/woomeengo ararwáaye/ {Rundi} v-ir-ind-cond 'One should say that he is sick.' (Cristini 2000:245)
/ukameengo/ {Rundi} v-ir-seq-ind-imm 'As if ...' or 'And one gets the impression that ...' (Rodegem 1967:90, Ntahokaja 1994:182)

/-ruuzi/ {Rwanda} 'see, notice, perceive, realize' (Hands 1952:240, Hurel 1959:168, Overdulve 1975:230,259,315, Bizimana 1998:205, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:165). This root is only conjugated in the immediate and persistive tenses in the indicative, participial, relative, or autonome.
/baruuzi umwáana agwá/ {Rwanda} v-ir-ind-imm 'They notice the child falling.' (Overdulve 1975:259)
/turabiruuzi/ {Rwanda} v-ir-ind-imm+obj 'We understand it.' (Overdulve 1975:230)
/ndacyáaruuzi/ {Rwanda} v-ir-imm-persist 'I am still able to see.' (Bizimana 1998:205)
/ndakúbwiira nkúruuzi/ {Rwanda} v-ir-part-imm 'I am talking to you as I see you.' (Bizimana 1998:205)
/ubwó muruuzí yahíindutse umutuku/ {Rwanda} v-ir-rel-imm 'But now you see they have turned red.' (R28.5)
/uúruuzi/ {Rwanda} v-ir-auto-imm 'one who realizes' (LN)

/-':zi/ {both} 'know' (Hands 1952:131, Hurel 1959:168, Overdulve 1975:147, Dubnova 1984:54, Bizimana 1998:205, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:165f; Ntahokaja 1994:180f, Cristini 2000:237f, Rodegem 1967:73f). It also has a passive /-:zwi/ 'be known.' Its regular counterpart is /-menya/.
/baazi vyiínshi/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:237, Rodegem 1967:73), /baazi byiínshi/ {Rwanda} (LN) v-ir-ind-imm 'They know a lot of things.'
/simbiízi/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:238), /siimbíizi/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:88) v-ir-ind-neg-imm 'I don't know it.'
/baramúuzi/ {both} v-ir-ind-imm-disj+obj 'They know him.' (Rodegem 1967:74, LN)
/abaázi néezá/ {both} v-ir-auto-imm 'The ones who know best.' (Cristini 2000:238)
/narií mbíizi/ {both} v-ir-cmp-pret+obj 'I knew it.' (Rodegem 1967:74, LN)
/ibyo uvugá biizwi na báke/ {Rwanda} v-ir-ind-imm-pass 'The things you say are known by a few people.' (Bizimana 1998:205)

/-:zinanyi/ {Rundi} 'know each other, be acquainted' [Alt: -zinana, -zinanye] (Cristini 2000:239)
/umuuntu muuzinányi/ {Rundi} v-ir-recip-rel-imm 'a person that you know well' (Cristini 2000:239)

/-:ziranye/ {Rwanda} 'know each other, be acquainted'(Jacob 1987 #3:593)
/ubusáanzwe ntítwaári túuziranye twaámenyaniye mu kazi/ {Rwanda} v-ir-recip-part-imm 'Previously we did not know each other, but we got acquainted at work.' (Jacob #2 1986:347)

8.16.3. Comparative Verbs
There are two verbs that express some form of comparison but which lack perfective forms. These have already been discussed and exemplified at the very end of Chapter 6 (§6.6).
/-:ngana/ {both} 'be the same size, be equal or equivalent; be so many' (Hands 1952:267, Overdulve 1975:223, Jacob #2 1986:393, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:277; Rodegem 1967:76 and 1970:280, Cristini 2000:242).
/ntibaangána/ {both} v-ind-neg-imm 'They are not equal.' (Rodegem 1967:76, Cristini 2000:242)
/hari abadáshobóra kuroonka amafaraanga aanganá gúrtyo/ {Rundi} v-rel-imm 'There are those who cannot get that kind of money.' (R35.2)
/afite umutwé ungána n'úmusózi/ {Rwanda} v-rel-subj-imm 'He has a huge head.' [lit. 'head as big as a hill'] (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:277)
/huuzura abaángana/ {Rundi} v-auto-imm 'Those who are equal become friends.' (Rodegem 1967:76)

/-sa/ {both} 'look like, resemble; appear as such; be about, be approximately' (Hands 1952:173, Overdulve 1975:172,223, Dubnova 1984:24, Overdulve & Jacob 1998:277; Rodegem 1967:75 and1970:385, Cristini 2000:240f).
/ntaasá ukó yahorá asá/ {Rundi} v-ind-neg-imm – v-part-aff-imm 'He does not look like he used to look.' (Cristini 2000:240)
/bagasa n'íbisumá/ {both} v-ind-imm 'And they look like thieves.' (Cristini 2000:241)
/ingéne mwéezi yasá/ {Rundi} v-rel-pret 'How Mwezi looked.' (R5)

8.16.4. The Prohibitive Verb
/-ooya/ {both} 'stop s.t., abandon; let s.o. be; renounce; prevent, not allow.' This verb is limited to three forms: imperative, subjunctive, and subsecutive. If it governs another verb, that verb will be in the infinitive.
/oya ayo/ {Rwanda} v-ir-imp 'Stop it! = That's enough!' (Jacob #2 1986:515)
/oya ivyo/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:241, Rodegem 1967:76), /oya ibyo/ {Rwanda} (Hurel 1959:169) v-ir-imp 'Stop it! = That's enough!'
/nyoya/ {Rwanda} v-ir-imp+pro-1sg-obj 'Stop it! = Let me be!' (Jacob #2 1986:515)
/geenda buhóro mwooye kugwa/ {Rundi} v-ir-sub+inf 'Go carefully so that you won't fall.' (Cristini 2000:241)
/yooyé kudúteera ubwóoba/ {both} v-ir-sub+inf 'He should not scare us.' (Cristini 2000:277, LN)
/(ni) booyé gupfá náabí/ {Rundi} v-ir-sub+inf '... so that they won't die miserably.' (Cristini 2000:241, Rodegem 1967:76)
/mwooyé gutíinya/ {both} v-ir-sub+inf 'Don't be afraid!' (Cox 1970:17)
/zikooya kujá kurwaana mw'iijoro/ {Rundi} v-ir-seq-ind-imm '... so that they (the cows) won't fight during the night.' (Cristini 2000:241, Rodegem 1967:76)

8.17. Copulative Verbs
There are three sets of verbs that express to be: an invariable predicative /ni/ (negative /si/), an irregular locative root /-rí/, and a monosyllabic copulative root /-bá/. They each have their own functions and presuppositions.
«ni kigali» {both} v-cop-invar-ind-aff-imm 'It is Kigali.' (LN)
«ari i kigali» {both} v-cop-loc-ind-aff-imm 'He is in Kigali.' (cf: Overdulve 1975:146)
«aba i kigali» {both} v-cop-mono-ind-aff-imm 'He lives in Kigali.' (cf: Overdulve 1975:146)

8.17.1. The Invariable Predicative Copulatives (ni, si)
The copulatives /ni/ or /si/ before a consonant, /n'/ or /s'/ before a vowel, are predicatives in the indicative immediate, invariable for number or noun class. Their subject is either in the third person or indefinite (e.g., it is), i.e., never in the first or second person. They have high tone when not first in a clause [Nrule].
/umugoré wé ní mutó/ {both} v-cop-invar 'His wife is young.' (Overdulve 1975:84)
/s'uumwé, sí babiri, ní bóóse/ {Rundi} v-cop-invar 'Not just one or two, but everyone.' (Cristini 2000:219)
/ni vyiizá/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:232), /ni byiizá/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:88) v-cop-invar 'It's ok.'
/ni wewé/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:218), /ni wowé/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:177) v-cop-invar 'It's you!'
/umwiígiisha ní mukurú/ {both} v-cop-invar 'The professor is an authority.' (Cristini 2000:233, LN)
/oya s'úumwáana/ {both} 'No, he is not a child' (Cristini 2000:233, LN)
When followed by an infinitive, the full form is used.
/n'ukuvúga ikí?/ {Rundi}, /n'uukuvúga ikí?/ {Rwanda} v-cop-invar 'What does that mean?' (Cristini 2000:218, Overdulve 1975:113)
/ibi s'úgukóra/ {Rundi}, /ibi s'úugukóra/ {Rwanda} v-cop-neg-invar 'This is not the way to work.'

Either is strictly in the indicative mood present tense. When any other tense or mood is required, an appropriately inflected form of /-rí/ or /-bá/ will be involved (see below).
/ni wé/ {both} v-cop-invar 'It's him!' (Cristini 2000:218, Overdulve 1975:286)
/mbwiira uwó arí wé/ {both} v-cop-loc-rel-aff-imm 'Tell me who he is.' (Overdulve 1975:286)
/mbwiira uwó yabáaye/ {both} v-cop-mono-rel-aff-pret-perf 'Tell me who he has become.' (LN)

There is a difference in vowel length between Kirundi and Kinyarwanda after n' or s'. Rwanda always compensates for the loss of i by lengthening the first vowel of the following word. However, in Rundi, a long vowel only appears if high tone occurs in either of the following two morae, if followed by a consonant cluster (see §2.2.2.5), or if followed by a demonstrative (see §5.8) or relative pronoun (§4.5).
/n'umugabo/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:232), /n'uumugabo/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:52) 'He is a man.'
/s'umuganí/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:232), /s'uumuganí/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'It is not a proverb.'
/s'umukeécuru/439 {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:232), /s'uumukeécuru/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'She is not old.'
/eegó n'úmugabo/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:233) 'Yes, he is a man,' /uyu n'úumugabo/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:52) 'This one is a man.'
/n'iinká/ {both} 'It is a cow.' (Cristini 2000:232, LN) [high tone in second following syllable]
/n'uumwáana/ {both} 'He is a child.' (Cristini 2000:232, LN) [high tone in second following syllable]
/yohaáni n'úumwáana/ {both} 'John is a child.' (Cristini 2000:32, LN)
/n'iicó uboná/ {Rundi} 'It is what you see.' (Cristini 2000:233) [high tone in second following syllable]
/n'iicúuma/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:233), /n'iicyúuma/ {Rwanda} (LN) 'It is iron.'
/n'iindwi/ {Rundi} 'There are seven.' (Cristini 2000:233) [consonant cluster]
/n'uuyu/ {both} 'This is him.' (Cristini 2000:233, LN) [deictic]
/n'uubu/ {both} 'It is now.' (Cristini 2000:233, LN) [deictic]
/n'iivyó bavugá/ {Rundi} 'That's what they say.' (Cristini 2000:217) [relative pro]

8.17.2. The Locative Copulative (-rí)
The irregular locative copulative is conjugated in four tenses (immediate, recent, preterit, and persistive) and four moods (indicative, participial, relative, and autonome). The subject must agree in class and number. Note, for example, that it does not have an infinitive or an imperative form. It has four major functions:

•	to make statements about the general place or location of something or someone,
/ari hé?/ {both} v-cop-loc-ind-aff-imm-n1-sg 'Where is he? (Overdulve 1975:145)
/abagabo bari muu nzu/ {both} v-cop-loc-ind-aff-imm-n1-pl 'The men are in the house.' (Overdulve 1975:51)
/urwaandiko rwaari mu iisáandukú/ {Rwanda} v-cop-loc-ind-aff-recent-n6-sg 'The letter was in the case.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:163)
/siinzí ahw áarí/ {both} v-cop-loc-rel-aff-imm-n1-sg 'I don't know where he is.' (Overdulve 1975:255)
/inká zaawe ntizirí mu rugó/ {both} v-cop-loc-ind-neg-imm-n5-pl  'Your cattle are not in the stockade.' (Hands 1952:126)

•	to predicate something about first and second person subjects,
/ndi peetéro/ {Rundi}, /ndi peetero/ {Rwanda} (Hands 1952:126) v-cop-loc 'I am Peter.'
Cf: /ni peetéro/ {Rundi} (Cristini 2000:232), /ni peetero/ {Rwanda} v-cop-invar 'He is Peter.'
/turi haanzé/ {both} 'We are outside.' (Overdulve 1975:86)
Cf: /ni haanzé y'ígihúgu/ {both} 'It is outside of the country.' (LN)
/muri hé?/ {both} 'Where are you?' (Hands 1952:126)
Cf: /ni hé?/ {both} 'Where is it?' (LN)

•	to make a copulative or predicative statement in the indicative, participial, relative, or autonome mood, in the immediate, recent, preterit, or persistive tenses,
/harihó abayíroonka bagaca báyinyegeza/ {Rundi} v-cop-loc-ind-aff-imm-n10-loc+post 'There are those who get it and hide it right away.' (R33.6)
/igituúntu kiri kubiri/ {both} v-cop-loc-ind-aff-imm-n4-sg 'There are two kinds of tuberculosis.' (R31.1)
/daatá aracyáarí hó/ v-cop-loc-ind-aff-persist 'My father is still alive.' {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:215)
/arí byó ushaaká naabigúha/ {Rwanda} v-cop-loc-part-aff-imm 'If it's [lit. 'it being'] what you want, I would give it to you.' (Bizimana 1998:235)
/abaári aho/ {both} v-cop-loc-auto-pret-n1-pl 'The ones who were there.' (R14)
/ntuúvuge ibitárí ngoombwá/ {Rwanda} v-cop-loc-auto-neg-imm-n4-pl 'You should not speak about things that are unnecessary.' (Bizimana 1998:146)

•	to serve as an auxiliary verb (see discussion in §10.3) that sets an action in a completely different time frame from that introduced in the discussion or narrative thus far; the following verb is in the participial mood.
/nikó gufáta [v-inf] akaándi gatelefoóne ka mugeenzi wé, ahamagara [v-ind-imm-con = narr] inoomero zaa kamwé rwiiwé, ahó karí kányegejwe [v-cop-loc-rel-aff-pret-n7-sg]/ {Rundi} 'So he borrowed another cell phone from his friend and dialed his own number (to find) where it had been hidden.' (R7)
«Kuba rero imodoka nka bisi ishobora [v-aux-rel-imm] koreka abantu nka bariya ijya [v-rel-imm] mu muhanda itari nzima, byari bikwiye [v-cop-loc-aux-ind-cond] kugira uwo bibazwa [v-rel-imm-pass], cyane cyane abashinzwe ubuzima bwazo n'abashinzwe kuzohereza mu mihanda.» {Rwanda} 'The fact that a defective motor vehicle such as a bus, which can kill so many eople, goes on the road, would make it appropriate to hold somebody accountable, especially the mechanics and dispatchers who put them on the road.' (R16)

The copulative locative is almost always used in the conjoint with the one exception that a disjoint construction with a n10-loc object /-ha-/ can occur.
/arahári/ {both} 'He is there.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:85,146)
/ejó murazooba múhari/ {Rundi} (JN), /ejó murazaabe múhari/ {Rwanda} (Overdulve 1975:251) v-cop-loc-part-imm+obj 'Please be there tomorrow.'
/aríko ikibázo kiharí ubu/ {Rundi} (JN), /ikibázo aríko ubu gihári.../ {Rwanda} (R24) v-cop-loc-rel-imm+obj 'A problem, however, which exists there now...'
/níyazá nzooba ndáhari/ {Rundi} (JN), /náazá ndáharí .../ {Rwanda} v-cop-loc-part-neg+obj 'If he comes while I am gone...' [lit. 'me not being there'] (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:346)

8.17.3. The Monosyllabic Copulative (-bá, -báaye)
These copulative forms are used in all moods and tenses not covered by /ni/ or /-rí/: perfective conjugations, future, conditional, infinitive, imperative, and subjunctive.
/byóose byaabaaye néezá/ {Rwanda} v-cop-ind-aff-recent-perf-n4-pl 'Everything went well.' (Overdulve 1975:205)
/uyu mwáana azaaba mureemure/ {Rwanda} v-cop-ind-aff-fut-n1-sg 'This child will be tall.' (Overdulve 1975:146)
/noobaaye umubéeshi/ {Rundi} v-cop-ind-aff-cond-perf-pro-1sg 'I would be a liar.' (Cristini 2000:165)
/ubukwé bwáabo ntíbukibaaye/ {both} v-cop-ind-neg-persist-perf-n8-sg 'Their wedding is no longer taking place.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:223)
/mbáaye umukuúngu, naafasha abakené/ {Rwanda} v-cop-part-aff-imm-perf-pro-1sg 'If I were rich [lit. 'me becoming rich'], I would help the poor.' (Overdulve & Jacob 1998:296)
/báaba abavyéeyi, báaba abáana, bóóse hamwé bagira umuryaango umwé/ {Rundi} v-cop-part-aff-recent-n1-pl 'Be it parents or children, they all consitute a home.' (Cristini 2000:234)
/kubá/ {both} v-cop-inf-aff-imm 'to be, to become'
«Iyi nzu n'iyo kubabwamo n'umwami.» {Rwanda} v-cop-inf-aff-imm-pass+post 'This is a house fit for a king to live in.' [lit. 'to be lived in'] (Hands 1952:281)
/kutábá/ {both} v-cop-inf-neg-imm 'not to be, not to become'
/kuzóobá/ {Rundi}, /kuzaaba/ {Rwanda} v-cop-inf-aff-fut 'to be or become in the future'
/kutázoobá/ {Rundi}, /kutázáabá/ {Rwanda} v-cop-inf-neg-fut 'not to be or become in the future'
/ba/ {both} v-cop-imp 'Be!, Become!
  /ba urí háno/ {both} 'Stay here!' (LN)
/-bé/ {both} v-cop-sub 'so that one be or become'
  /umujuura ntaábe akigaruka/ {Rwanda} v-cop-sub-neg-imm-n1-sg 'So that the thief won't come back any more.' (Overdulve 1975:261)

When either /-rí/ or /-bá/ could be used, /-bá/ implies a specialized living in or at or associated with a given place, whereas /-rí/ is a more general locational.
/uba hé?/ {both} v-cop-ind-aff-imm-n1-sg 'Where do you live?' (Hands 1952:128)
cf: /ari hé?/ {both} v-cop-loc-ind-aff-imm-n1-sg 'Where is he? (Overdulve 1975:145)
/ibikerí biba haáfi y'ámáazi/ {Rwanda} v-cop-ind-aff-imm-n4-pl 'Frogs are (found) near water.' (Hands 1952:128)
/ibyo ntíbibá hó mu gihúgu cy'íwaácu/ {Rwanda} v-cop-ind-neg-imm-n4-pl 'That does not exist in our country.' (Overdulve 1975:215)

Like /-rí/, /-bá/ forms can serve as auxiliary verbs (see discussion in §10.3) that set an action in a completely different time frame from that introduced in the discussion or narrative thus far; the following verb is in the participial mood.
/iyóo mbá wé síimbá náaje/ {both} v-cop-aux-ind-neg-imm-pro-1sg 'If I were him, I would not have come.' (JN, Overdulve 1975:246)
«umutumwajambo aba ari umwizigirwa» {Rundi} v-cop-aux-ind-aff-imm-n1-sg 'A spokesperson is usually trustworthy.' (R11)
/ejó murazaabe múhari/ {Rwanda} v-cop-aux-hort-fut-pro-2pl 'Please be there tomorrow.' (Overdulve 1975:251
/tukaba twíizeeye ko… / {both} v-cop-aux-seq-ind-aff-imm-pro-1pl '.…and we are hoping that …' (R37.5)